Red Miner no. 9

BENE

MINER

Bulletin for miners and their families lp

Thatcher wants to ensure that her reign brings the unions to their knees. When they resist - as the NUK did - she is prepared to spend millions trying to break them. She is also keen to create fifth-column organisations inside the working class — scab unions.

The UDH was deliberately built up by the Tories and the NCB to act as a dagger at the unions throat. But the scourge of scab unionism is not limited to the nines. After stabbing us in the back during the great strike Eric Hammond's EETPU — the electricians union - has organised a disgusting scabbing operation at Fortress Wapping. The ERTPU actually recruited men to steal the jobs from the printers that Rupert Murdoch sacked from The Sun, The Times, The Sunday Times and The News Of The World.

A television programme showed Hammond negotiating no strike deals at Hitachi, welcoming Edward Heath to open a union training office, and bragging about his scabbing operations, It was a _ public relations exercise for what Hammond calls “market unionism".

. NO STRIKE DEALS Put bluntly this means that the officials sell their services to the bosses through single union deals and no-strike procedural agreements. And they sell their services to their members too. by service

to their members the EETPU now means cheap car insurance and stock market advice. Collective organisation and

strength to defend wages and jobs is, they argue a thing of the past. By selling their new wares they guarantee the salaries of themselves and other officials in the “union business”.

The fashion is catching on elsewhere. The print unions have just signed a deal with the Financial Times that guarantees the bosses against any disruption of production. Vauxhall has secured a similar deal which allows it to replace striking workers with scabs with full union backing.

The big engineers union, the AUEW, is poised to follow in Hammond’s footsteps. It has already allied with the EETPU to break TUC ruling by accepting the Tories' dirty money for ballots. At the moment there are elections for the presidency of the AUEW. The right wing candidate is Bill Jordan. He

ack ioHatters} i; eral - . - \

openly courts fusion with the HEETPU and sings songs of praise to their scab methods. He misses no opportunity to scoff at the failure of the heroic militancy of the miners and their wives to secure victory, ignoring the fact that it was the treachery of the bureaucracy that led to the defeat. This man shared vice-chairmanship of the extreme right-wing Mainstream group with the UDM's Prendergast. If he wins the presidency it will strengthen the hand of the right even further.

SCABS IN THE LABOUR PARTY

But the bard right are not alone in helping the spread of scab unionism. The so-called "centre” in the labour movement are co-responsible for aiding the growth of scab unionism. In Lanarkshire in Scotland many Labour Party officiais are implicated in recruiting scabs for MKurdoch's Kinning Park plant in Glasgow. They are led by one Patrick O'Hanlon. This ERTPU member was recently voted off the Scottish Labour Party Executive. But of the 100,000 votes cast for | him 67,000 came from the AUIVW.

Roy Hattersley, deputy leader of the Labour Party, is also doing his bit to help Hammond, Lynk and co. He described UDH traitors who remain in the Labour Party as “loyal members” at a recent meeting ia Mansfield. He had aiso planned to hald talks with Lynk until a leak to the

newspapers caused him to call off the

meeting.

Even..the misnamed Communist Party is tolerating two scabs who are regularly crassing the picket line at Vapping - Stanley Levenson and Chris Nawrat - in it’s ranks.

UC LEADERS The most important help being given to the scab outfits comes from the TUC leaders. Their refusal to act during our

strike was a favour to the bosses who were stealthily laying their plans for the UDH. Their retreat in the.face of Tory antiunion jaws today is of a piece with that treachery. Instead of mobilising behind the printers in a fight against the laws they are Sitting around tables with Beil Kinnock working gut ways ta concoct a set of Labour Party/TUC administered anti-union laws. Apart from accepting the sanctity of the ballot the plans. being considered include. limiting pickets to a small number so as not to give the police(!) the idea that the aim is to stop anything or anyone.

In the face of this retreat the old left in the TUC is falling apart. Only Arthur Scargill raised a voice af apposition to the TUC/Labour Party biueprint for restrictions on the unions. Alas he is not doing anything to mobilise opposition to these plans amongst the rank and file. He is conducting his opposition only within

the committees and conferences of the bureaucrats. But the possibility of fighting scab

unionism and stamping it out exists. In our union strikes against the UDH have shown

So

the way. At Thurcroft in Yorkshire a strike took place after a man was threatened for refusing to work with UDMK members. The strike was successful with one UDM man even re-applying to join the WUM. Strikes have taken place against the sacking of WNUK member Paul Whetton. His "crime’ was that he put HUM notices up at the pit.

The campaign against the UDK must be linked to a fight against other examples of scab unionism. in particular RUM branches/lodges must ensure that the union puts down a resolution at the next TUC to expel the EETPU from it’s ranks, Resolutions from branches/lodges to this effect must go forward immediately. Likewise in the Labour Party resolutions calling for the expulsion of UDM members and EETPU members who support Hammond’s scabbing must be put and acted upon.

CLASS STRUGGLE UBRIGHISH

The best answer to scab unionism is to fight for class struggle unionism. Unions must be democratised and pledged to fighting the bosses and defending our interests. Practically in our union this Means building on and spreading action taken in pits and areas - like the North Derbyshire overtime ban. It means fighting the bonus schemes with strikes like the one that took place at Vooley near Barnsley. And it means building solidarity action with the printers now.

A good dose of class struggle unionism will have all the bosses’ narks in our ranks either begging for mercy, or clearing out altogether.

meeZ

aoe

aos ee ee a

Team briefings in North Derbyshire have been brought to a halt by WNACODS withdrawing from them and refusing to implement them in the North Western area. This method - from América and Japan of oypassing and then breaking the union in a firm or company is known as de-unionising so enabling management to raduce wages and jobs and make the workforce work harder.

The North Derhyshire WUM never organised effectively against team briefings and said they were a joke, The NUM should look to places where these methods have been tried before, such as British Leyland and BSC some joke!

MANAGEMENT BULL OF THEMSELVES

The NCB are still flushed with their success in breaking the strike in this area. Management are strutting about like little Hitlers and treating the men like naughty boys. Mr Moses gave our legs a slap before he left tao do his masters bidding or should that be his mistresses ! Ye now have a new Area Director. He is dashing about like General Patton in his lust for glory. They call him Horton and you will know him, he walks around muttering ‘kilajauis'. No he is not demented, its just a term for measuring energy like a therm. That's just to let you know Ted that you are not blinding us all with science!

The strategy of the Coal Board has been to iull the men into a false sense of security before they hit them hard which will most likely be this year - 1985. Whitwell has already had the axe hung over it. In February the NCB gave 28 days notice to the NUM that it was changing the Area Incentive Bonus Scheme and implementing a pit by pit scheme. No negotiation - just take it or leave it. This is believed to be only the thin end of the “ wedge. The next stage is the Doncaster agreement

The union kept a low profile till the agreement was implemented then went for an Area ballot on industrial action. The possible forms of action were an overtime ban: no coal cutting in overtime or snap time; working to just cutting the norm. The baliot taken on the 14th March gave 64% for taking industrial action.

On April ist a mid week overtime ban was imposed. The play is to hit the Coai Board at the beginning of the financial year to exert pressure on those who negotiate with the union.

So far things are quiet , with just a few rumblings. I think it should have been @ full overtime ban so that all the men are affected the same and nobody has any excuse to break it. We are now waiting to see what action comes from the Dirty Tricks department of the NCB. Some information we have received is they are going to use their suer scabs like they did in the strike, to break the overtime ban or to recruit to the UDM (Under Direct management Control) so NUM members must resist the growth of this cancer and its filthy spores,

There have been lots of Short itived strikes

im Yorkshire over individual pit issues

like bonus etc. The fight against the scabs

is Stiii on and ended in a significant victory at Thureroft

Strike action forced the NCB to move a member of the UDM to Cresswell and the other rejoined the NUM. The 500 men who Walked out stayed out for 5 days preventing the Board paving the way for UDK members in Yorkshire despite the weakness of Thurcroft towards the end of the strike with the pit split almost 50-06 on strike and at work. And help from the Yorks exec, They were nowhere to be seen.

vo Wonder fur

Last week (10thApril) men were on strike again at Hatfield Main Doncaster

over working with a scab. This man.:had: only just been found out to be a scab’ anid: men were furious that they had worked ‘with’

him not knowing. There is to be ballot this week to decide what action to take next. We have it on good authority that life hasn't been worth living for the 20 or so scabs at Hatfield and that since the strike 17 of them have 'chosen' to leave the industry. A message from Area to the Hatfield manager was intercepted which instructed him to go al. the way to break this fight even if it meant closing the pit. Thurcroft were able to beat the same Area management and show they were not going to be a dumping ground for scabs that others wouldn't work with, Hatfield can take some strength from their victory.

In the Doncaster area the Board has put

the pit top transport out to tender to private firms,

TAYLOR TALK

South Yorkshire Area has hit record performances this year earning the NCE a ‘sparkling’ £25 million. instead of the anticipated £105 million lass. This has led to vraise for union leaders and management. Well i «now Jack Taylor said we were on our knees but isn't it time he tried to get up! Ail he had to say in face of large jos losses, management crackdown anc an increasing.- accident rate was "This shows tS quality of the people the NCB have forcing for them. They have achieved thiy with 8,000 fewer men - it is a performance.” Sheffield otar 8/4/86; Jack hoped they would now let some of the sacked men have their jobs back.

atts

the closure of eleven collieries and the loss of around 5,000 jobs, productivity in the coalfield has shot up by 46% in the last eight months. The NCB are likely to declare this month that the South Wales coalfield has made it's first profit for 30 years. This follows a loss af over £230 million in the year before the strike, Todays depleted workforce now produce more coal than was produced before the strike.

As a “recognition” of this “significant landmark"the area director recently announced that £30 million was to be spent on a new anthracite mine at Caraway Fawr, near Llanelli in the west of the coalfield. This development will replace part of the capacity of the Cynheidre coliery, and will according to the board secure 800 jobs. The NCB also seem likely to finally go: ahead with the £80 million Margam development this year. This would provide a further 700 jobs. In addition the board have also taken on 100 youngsters, the first new recruits in the coaifieid for over 4 years. New investment is also continuing, with 10 new faces coming into production in the near future,

While these developments are welcome, they cannot in anyway compensate for the butchery of the coalfield last autumn. The consequences of the mass closure will be deeply felt .for many years in areas already. with some of the worst sacial deprivation and highest unemployment figures in Europe.

Whilst understandable at the moment, increasing productivity of the remaining pits only plays into the hand of the NCB, Typically, they are now not satisfied with the coalfield making a profit, they now want “every pit to pay it's way’; ie. to make a profit While many pits, like Deep Navigation (which recently announced £4 million profit), Betws, Marine and Oakdale appear to be "safe’, miners at the loss making pits will be under even more presure this year. The threat of falling Oil prices: is already .being used to drive productivity rates still higher~ with a target of 3S tons/manshift by Christmas, no matter what the human cost. Last month a man was killed at each of the two Merthyr pits, just coincidence????

ISSUES IN THE UNIO

We print below a report of 4a recent Broad Left conference In Hurham. Our thanks ZO to a Warwickshire NUM member attending the meeting for this report,

A recent conference was held in Durham attended by approximately 50 miners, area reps were from Scotland, Northumberland, Durham, Yorkshire, Notts, Leicestershire and Warwickshire. Many organisations had tried to block the conference. Although these gatherings are vital within the NUM, it is important that the correct conclusions are drawn on the way forward and how, to stop the retreat.

The morning session was taken up by area reports. Various reports came in mostly all on the same theme. The NCB had the upper hand in every area and were using it to their full advantage. They were carrying out the closure programme with vigour. Local agreements which had been won over the years were being swept aside. Men were still being sacked for trivial reasons. Aliso from official level within the NUM the line being put forward was "keep your heads down lads there is nothing we can do’, i am sure many militants are fed up to the back teeth with this sort of attitude.

During the afternoon session a National Committee was formed consisting of 2 members from each area. We then moved onto the business that miners had travelled to the meeting for. Policy was formed built around six main items. It was decided that Women's Groups should be invited with full voting rights. This was fully accepted and rightly so.

Miners on the march —

ons AGAINST FEDERALISM

ih was with general agreement that there should only be one union. We saw the yital importance of this during the strike and the need to smash not only the UDM but also the federated system within the NUM. when an area like Notts can totally bypass the national rules and use their area rule book when it suits them. Along these Lines many changes would be needed within the rule book for the rank and file to take control of their union. Right wing and soft left bureaucrats so often use the union rules to supress any form of action. These changes will have to be fought for by a militant rank and file that are prepared to oulld a fighting organisation.

35 pits to date have closed since the and of the strike with 40,000 jobs last, in many cases there has been no attempt to stop the closures. In the few cases where

there has been a fightback, this has been mainly put forward as an economic fight. As we saw with the Bates clasure the farce of the "new independent review procedure" where the NUM won the case and the pit

still closed, We can only stop closures by staging a militant fightback. Where pits are threatened rank and file involvement is vital, built around the case for a right to

a job and no closure until the pir 14 exhausted. In pits that are geéttiag investment the membership must take un fhe case of threatened pits, reducing. Loe amount of coai that is mined, stacing work

outs in support, and ensuring the ods.es know that we are not prepared to accept blanket closure.

BROAD LEFTS

sank and file links with other unions

are vital in organising a fightback. It was sorely tacking during the Great Strike apark from a few exceptions. If the links

can be Suilt for when the next battle comes we can bypass the bureaucracy and gain the physical support directly. What we Must be wary of is attempting ta build an organisation on the old broad left system whick on the whole became an electioneering machine. Otherwise we will fall into the same trap of getting so caiied “lefts” elected, such as George Bolton (the one who believes the way forward is to get police chiefs and vicars won over) and Henry Richardson (who in the early days of the strike told men to get back to work), If members put up for positions they must be on rank and file poiicies and there must be same system where thay are recallable to the membership. Too many times we have seen peovie stand on a left ticket and turn right when they get there,

One af the mast amazing decisions was to allow anybody in the NUM the right to join the organisation including scabs! Surely if an attempt is being made to build a militant fighting faction within the union the scabs gave that right up when they crassed the pikcet line.

On the whole the conference didn't come up with firm concrete policies that could be taken to the rank and file as a way forward to stop the retreat

INTERVIEW

Below we print an interview RED MINER had with Faul Whetton, the recently sacked NUM branch secretary from Bevercotes in Notts. The interview is especially important for two reasons. Firstly its informs us about Paul's fight at Bevercotes and . what significance he attaches to that fight. Secondly the discussion deals with the wider issue of the present state of the NUM and what can be done to improve it. |

Paul Whetton’s comments about his own sacking, and its wider implications are very important. in particular he’s absolutely right to link the UDN’s growth with general attempts in the Trade Union movement to build scab unions, That's why

Where RED MINER disagrees with Faul Whetton, is in his view of the NUM leadership and the scale of the retreat being organised by majority sections of the NEC.

in recent issues we have stated many times, that we consider a _ full-scale retreat is going ahead, at leadership level, prompted by the Communist Farty and Kinnock supporting members of the NEC. This retreat seeks to Isolate Scargill on the WEC with a view to eventually getting rid of him. RED MINER has criticised Seargill’s continued refusal | to openlyappeal to the rank and file to build a campaign to fight off attacks on militant WUM policies. As the interview indicates Faul Whetton takes a different view, questioning the idea of a retreat and saying it is wrong to blame individuals or sections of the leadership.

Elsewhere in the interview Faul Whetton gives support to our call for the building of a rank and file movement. This indicates that we can argue about the question of leadership, Scargill's role etc, but we can find common ground in the call for a conference to unite the rank and file and build an ongoing movement.

RED MINER would be glad to see letters aad comments from any other militants who want to put acrass their views on the points raised in the interview. Flease write to us c/o 138 Crookesmoor Rd, Sheffield.

Well Paul Whetton was sacked for pinning an NUM notice up announcing a branch meeting at the pit, But I’d rather see it in more broader terms and say 4 branch secretary was sacked for carrying out his duties as a branch officer, this is happening at Ollerton and others pits in Notts. Its not just a thing in the mining industry. In my opinion there is an out and cut vicious attack from the Tories on the T.U. movement itself. What’s happening in Notts.is just a pointer to what is happening in other places, like Wapping, at Silent Night, Forgemasters and at BSC plants up and down the country. What we see is a concerted attack against the basis

When I was sacked the immediate response was a special branch meeting to oall for industrial action. There was a very good response from the bath the NUM and the UDM members. This was in spite of a good deai of: ‘harrassment and intimidation from management. I think it indicated the strength of feeling that management were blatently stamping on TU rights, The fact that some were not in the NUM didn’t stop them seeing this as an attack on rights.it a man can be sacked for putting a notice up or taking one down for that matter, what's going to be the next step! Are we going tao have to tug us forelock everytime ‘we walk past a senior management representative ? Yorkers at the pit recognised this and acted accordingly.

ch 4

RE St ni

VWhetiton speaks out.

You have got to realise that this is a very difficult situation in regards: to what is happening in the Notts. coalfield, They reviewed the situation the following Wed. and because of the support we’d got they decided to keep on until the end of the week. I knew we couldn’t keep the action

going indefinately or we would have had

men going back in ones and twos. So I wrote to that meeting, I didn’t go, urging them to to go back to work and carry on the fight underground by arguing and recruiting members to the NUM - taking support from the NCH’s puppet..that’s still going on now.

picture, We argue that there has been a

shit to the right in the UM and__an attempt to isolate Scargill, What is it possivie to d st iS retreat ?

There's one major problem without condemning any individual, or the executive or the leadership themselves and that is we iost the strike. Many people don’t like to admit that, but that is the reality of the situation. Aiter 6 weeks on strike men wanted to know what we would do about the scabs and we said then that if we lost it would be what the scabs would be doing about us. And 1 think the fact we iost the strike is a major olock on the union..they've got no finance, they've got no real clout when it comes to negotiating With the Coal Board and that's a serious setback for everyone, the rank and file the executive etc,

Having said that and being parochial . think something more should be done about raising recognition of the union in Notts. don’t see how they can sit down at the same tabie when our union is not recognised oy the Coal Board in some coaitieids.

MacGreggor's mandate was to smash the NUM and we managed to stop that. He defeated us in the strike but he hasn't smashed the union. What we are going through is a very difficuit transitional period from the end of a defeat and trying to consolidate the union. That’s anotaer reason the Coal Board are backing the UDK. They need to keep the divisions, i period of perhaps 1 or 2 years, until suca time as we can wipe the UDM off the map

and then have a united yvnion ana tackle this question, Whoilever MacGreggor is i charge and whilever the Tories are going to be extremely difficult whether by the rank and fille or national level to tackle the Coai Board,

Houldyou-g0-as lal -as—ta-Say indiana BAL

e tujaa out by the defeat 2 i don’t see it as entirely rused Si oul. don’t see it as the answer. At My wit ‘he

bread ang butter issues, whether it< water money, riding time, safety standards, tacse issues have to be tackled. the UUM wisal sot

bother they will do what management say. The NUM has to take them up and show they are the union who will stand up toa management

I think that any attempt to start major strike action against pit closures will be doomed to failure at the present time. We can clearly see the NCB'’s aims - to cut away the dead wood; to have X number of super pits to sell off to private industry - and | think that any concerted major industrial action will come at that time. At the moment we are in the position of trying to cons9lidate what we've got and getting rid of the UDM.

In that time we can try to get some steam senerated nationally. 1 would say that where a pit is up for closure any campaign has to involve the whole community, other unions etc. the pressure has to be put on politically on the rest of the TU movement that we are out not just to save holes in the ground dut communities. Every community is different and every rank and file will know their own problems and how to tackle them, 1 am sure. that is what will ‘be done in the short term and I don't see ai major confrontation until privatisation.

Party that industrial action is a thing of the past. Although we have differences with

action is outmoded

I totally disagree with that approach even though I recognise the difficulties at the moment. Anyone who now believes that the way out is through the review procedure is

living in cloud cuckoo land. You just have ~

to look at Bates! There is going to be a time when industrial action is the only answer, I certainly don't believe that industrial action is old hat. I believe, it is the only weapon we’ve got and that any other talk of conciliation, consultation, review procedures is backing away from it.But we do have ta recognise the reality of the situation we live in,. There's not going to be any national action on pit closures in the very short term.

Ss vi + F d Left. There's the National Rank and File Movt. and ther's been Broad Left meetings called to get nilitants together, Do you

i :

think its important to build Br Oad Letts in the union 2

i think that such meetings in the areas are important to enable people to fee] they are participating and getting things done, The problem in Notts is people think that tao have been out on strike automatically makes them leftwing, This isn't true I wouldn’t trust some of them politically as far as 1] could throw a grand piano! That's hot to put them down but it does leave a Notts. Broad Left with a bit of a problem.

i think BL’s are a ginger group, they can galvanise rank and file activity and there's a lot of benefit can be gained from them but I've also got my suspicions about people who form them and then just use them as stepping stones for their own ends. That's a problem everyone has to be aware of and face ; ‘

We are very critical of the old style BL as being simply electoral machines, We say there ic @ need for a rank and file movement that t ; ; a_healthy, fighting political union. As a atep towards this we would say it is a 1a Ke t c °

» @O

d_idea to call _a conterence along the iines of ‘Stop the Retreat‘ to bring You see that as a step forward ?

Yes, I’d see nothing wrong with that at all. It would bring people together to argue out their differences which would be beneficial. What I wouldn't want to see is an organisation where everyone pats everyone els@ on the back, I think that

“sort of thing would be disasterous.

Obviously there are different ideas about how to tackle the present situation. i don't know if 1 agree: there is actually a retreat on. [ don't think anyone can deny we are standing still, we are not going forward but I don’t know about a retreat. Ht. is a question of marking time, consolidating what we've got, rebuliding the strength of the national union at ali levels and then going forward when we are united again. I believe that it would be of great benefit to the Notts. miners to participate in any forum like that. And } am sure that the experience of the Notts miners during and after the strixe can be of tramendous help to other miners eaxperienceing other problems,

SOGAT

unionist 10 years ago if it was possibile for the entire workforce of a .targe tactory to pe fired and replaced they would nave Saiaq it wouid be impossiple. loe unions wouid not aliow it, But Murdoch has done it ana o@ has been able to do it tor two connected reasons.

ihe first is the result of tae deteat ot the miners' strike. This enabdied Murdoch ana the judges to immediateiy steai SOGAT's assets. The second is due to tne consolidation of the new breed of trade unign .eaders - the realists - as a resuit ai *nat defeat. Dean and Dubbins are two peoigrees of the new realist trade union seaders.

Jpposing ‘Scargillite’ tactics effective picketing and blacking» as counter praauctive they have sought to present themseiveas to the public as Mr ana Mrs Nice. They have even spent one and a quarter million Pounds on a Saatchi and saatconi iike exercise to prove this. tiowever this has not prevented SOUAT's tunds from being sequestrated nor the NGA from peing fined. It has not won the :cooperation from other ‘nice' trade union eagers nor Shamed the ‘horribie' Mr

Rurdoch to the negotiating table.

' and Maxwell

Jnfortunately in order to oe nice, Jean ana Dubbins have stamped on effective trade union activity. The picketing at Wapping has been demoralisingly disorganised. One Saturday we were even marched past Wapping thanked for being there and told to go home. Dean and Dubbins have discouraged other rank and fire trade unionists from joining the pickets.

PRINT S

st you would have asked an ordinary trade’

Lal

RIKE (yy

This is particularly true of the miners .he Miners were at first told to stay away from Wapping. water under pressure trom ‘heir members Dean and Dubbins agreea to anvite miners, but through tne NUM gureaucracy. This ensures that tse NUM oureaucrats severely iimit the numbers at Miners pickets

vuring the miners strike the printers vontibuted more than £1 misiion. “ne sun -apels diacked the paper when :+ triea tc Ompare Scargii, to Hitler. Many ‘printers today regret that they did not do more tor the Miners in their hour of need

Now the roies are reversed Miners the printers need you! At .ast sections or the rang ana tiie are beginning to question tne existing .eadership of the strike ney recognise that bringing Fleet Street sur is the sey to winning the dispute, stopping "ae bress oarons in their track ana winning support from the oroaaer Jaoour movement On April 29th a puoiic meeting aaS O8en Caiied in Fieet Street +c araw union activists together. Workers ower ful.¥ support this initiative

an the mean time a Union of Print support vroups UFSG. has been set up Zhe UPSG nas buist on the lessons ot the Miner's strike. it has oriented itse.t towards the rank and file printers it seeks to iink up these rank and fice printers with rank and file Supporters in others industries and in other areas

-£ your town, viilage or bit does nov agave &.orint support group, star* one ana affiiiate ta the OPSG. vetais at aifisiation trom Larry Hyett .0:: 735 567, ar Steve Masterson \Ol 435 Sd5e.

WO not set. Muracch get aWey Wit. this -t ae wins, other bosseé wili- not aesitate tO Sack tae whoOie workforce and insist sn

aQ strike deais. in this they wi. be aol

aidex oy the rats like Lynk anc Sammona

who are al. too eager to run casir unions r . .

to the bosses orders,

Beh eee w

ONE YEAR ON

REL MINER described the last WWAPC conrerence as a ‘wasted opportunity’ ihe sonterence organisers saw to it that the sundreds of wives brought together for tae tirst time did not make any decisions or take on the running of their own movement —

Demands on the National Committee toa open the movement to the enormous energy unieashed by the strike had been repeatedly rejected on the grounds of impracticality and cost and decisions continued to be mace oy ‘those in the know’, most often the uneiected ex officio members, ana rubber stamved by the Area delegates. (it is worth remember ing that as early as June/July (984 the Doncaster delegate, from Hatfield Main Women's Support Group was pushing for a nationai delegate conference with women

trom ali the groups.Also a conference of

aver 160 wives in the Midlands in September 1984 asked for the same thing).A fui. vear later we thought we were gaing to a decision making conference to find instead a set piece rally.

_ #uring the strike many women in the pit communities looked to the national movement for a lead and gave their unstinting support to demonstrations.

rallies and tundraising. The strike opened

the eyes oar thousands of women ana politicised them. NWAPC could have become the oasis of an active fighting working slass women's movement. Yet in the perioc since the strike when the groups neede them most National were extraodinarii quiet. in fact apart fron some Christma money we didn’t really hear from then chrough the whole of 1985/6

a2 main problem for the groups was Simpiy knowing what to do and how to keep “he groups going. Many folded as soon as taere was no kitchen or hardship work to do. The pressure to return to normai, set oack to the home and the kids in face at Lhe demoralisation of defeat was understandably enormous. Those mast. actively involved and the most politicaliy aware struggled to keep the groups going. fost groups survived by doing work around sacked and jailed miners. Today most of "his work is simply money raising and with no nope of a fight to get the jobs back NUM branches happily left it to us ta be the conscience of the movement.

NWAPC™ has” felled to “give” a ‘ fighting national profile .to our movement and has | been. totally unable ‘to use the new political awareness of women to any effect.

‘In- September when: ‘the time was ripe. to -launch a campaign. from the strong arsas to .the weak Against. scab unionism National

Women told’ us to, wait for the NUM campaign. When this failed ‘£0 materialise

‘instead of going: ahead ” anyway money was - provided far the ‘ ‘Notts. women to «do a ; leaflet, We should have been down there

giving vital support to our comrades with leaflets, arguments,etc.

It is not the inexperience of NWAPC that prevents them co-ordinating national campaigns oased on action and in support of any struggles against the NCB it is tne attempt to maintain unity.at any Proee: Nothing contoversial, like what the hei)’ going on in the NUM and what we should say about it ever comes up. In the face ot the retreat by the NUM executive and moves to get rid of Scargill NWAPC are incapabie of cutting free and operating independentiv

of the union with their own voice, “Those directing the movement do not want to

build a” fighting working class women's -

movement that could fight on working class issues.Théysare frightened of, even hostile ta rank, and. file control. .

CONFERENCE

A full national voting conference has at

last taken. place..5th and 6th. April in’

Sheffield. HaS this 'new and inexperienced’ movement hailed as one of the major gains of the Great Strike (by Scargill in every speech hesmakes) at last got its act together? ~~

Conference showed that despite the lack of leadership there are still women who are fighting. However speeches demonstrated the lack of willingness even now to learn the lessons: of the strike, with some women still referring ‘to it as a "great victory”.

The speeches also clearly indicated that women had had to go it alone and the lack of any coherent national plan. Activity ranged from those who believed the way forward was to persuade their local council to put coalfired heating in council houses (Are any being built?) tothose women in Notts. who were fighting the VDM and the Kent women ‘who were regularly joining the printworkers picketlines at Wapping. Yomen in Kent still. attend NUM branch meetings to report to them and an NUM delgate comes

wives demonstrate) against Thatcher ES er ee OF “

+o their meetings. Liz French told us that

this happened at Bettsanger where the union was still supportive.

The concern with unity and the resulting compromise with rightwing labour supporters was shown by the acceptance of an ammendment to an emergency resolution

“dn the print dis

pute, Thé ammendment came

from the President of Glasgow Trades

. - Council who moved that a.condemnation of / of ioMaxwell be left out as it might ‘upset

Pjocal negotiations with him.’ The, logic” of

‘this sort’ of, argument ®iS"sthat! we better not say anything that might upset MacGreggor or he will get us next. History shows that those who show they are on the run are the most likely to be stamped on.

The delegates passed a resolution demanding that the Labour Party expei UDMK members despite the national committee urging it be remitted. Again the fainthearts were worried about using the word ‘demand’. Jt was pointed out by a Varwickshire delegate that. anyone who votes Labour has a right to ‘demand’ it does things in our interest. Another Warwickshire delegate gave a timely reminder of the betrayals of. the TUC and the Kinnockites in the strike and warned delegates against imagining that all we need to do is wait for the next Labour government... Kinnock isn’t going to reinstate the sacked men!

The conference voted against affiliating to the Labour Party and nat to allow scab wives to join although there was a lot of general talk of ‘unity’. In fact unity, public opinion and media coverage were about the extent: of the campaign strategy finally decided. The chair summed up by saying, "We need to rebuild and maintain the unity of the NUM....we need to fight for a caring compassionate society which is important to women.....to get a better life and peace in the world.”

Although many delegates commented that the conference was 100% better than the last one NWAPC has again failed to tackle the question of concrete action. We are left to join CND or Coal and Community campaigns, to lobby Labour counciis tor cOai contracts and try and get a ‘soad press’. We have the grand aims of ‘education, peace and jobs’ and have again neatly sidestepped the thorny problem of rebuilding the fighting strength of the NUK.

RED MINER has to say that NWAPC have again wasted the opportunity of building such a movement. However many or the wives who continue to be active are ¢till in the movement, RED MINER would like women to write In with their ideas of what those of us trying to change the direction of NWAPC can do.

In 1917 the Russian workers took power. Their workers councils — the Soviets ~ became the power in the land. Their factory committees took the power in the factories and their armed militia defended the workers order... In this series RED MINER will look at the Russian workers road to power and at the lessons 1917 holds far workers struggling today.

Russia in 1917 remained a mainly peasant farmed agricultural society ruled by Tsar (emperor) Nicholas 11. Contrary to the SOaDY image presented in numerous filme Nicholas was a staunch reactionary. He Stood at .the top of a bureaucratic political system that was dominated by the biggest landowners. While a General Strike wave back in 1905 had forced him to grant an advisory and thoroughly

unrepresentative, parliamentary body -.

called a Duma - the regime ruled by bloody repression of revolutionary and working class militants.

In this society the working class was small but highly concentrated minority.There were between 4 and 5 million industrial workers in Russia in 1914, out of a population of 200 million. From the and of the last century the regime had ancouraged foreign - capital and industrialists to take advantage of cheap and dragooned labour, _no unions were allowed before. 1906. Industry ‘that jJeveloped was concentrated in the major sowns and in the large scale enterprises. in 1914 over 40% of Russian workers were employed in factories that employed aver 1000 workers - a far higher proportion than in either Britain or the . United States. The geographical and industrial concentration of the Russian workers gave them an enormous potential strength that vas to be demonstrated vividly in i917,

Heavily dependent as it was on French and British capital and in pursuit of its own Imperialist designs the regime was ‘uevitably an eager participant in the ‘irst World War.- Yet that war was to have jevastating -effects on: Russia's population. -ussia's armies suffered major defeat. Its -upply Lines were in tatters, By the end of 16 the main industrial towns were hreatened with famine.

WORKERS HISTORY

The spark that was toa destroy the Tsarist regime and apen the road for the working class was to come from the women workers in the capital city of Petrograd itoday's Leningrad). February 23rd in the Russian calender was the day celebrated by the socialist movement as International Vomen’s Day. Meetings were due to be held in those plants with high concentrations of women warkers ta explain the significance of the day. But socialists and militants had no plans for any more than propaganda meetings. In reality these meatings very quickly boiled aver into strikes and demonstrations as women workers expressed their fury against a regime that forced them to work long hours in its factories and attempt to maintain themselves and their families in near famine conditions.

The women of the textile factories of the Vyborg side workers district, having pulled out most of their fellow women workers in the area, turned their attention to the metal and engineering plants which had a higher proportion of male workers, The largest and most traditionally militant of them - the giant Putilov plant which employed 30,000 workers - was already locked out by the bosses. Initially this made mass contact with its workers difficult. It was in factories with well organised cells of revolutionary militants

-that the women workers had their first

successes: They pulled out the Erikson and New Lessner plants to join their demonstration, .By noon 21 factories and 50,000 workers were on strike.

‘In the afternoon the strikers turned their’ attention to plants with a less militant and receptive workforce. At the Arsenal better paid workers would not join thé action. They were bombarded with rocks and;"iron until a picket line cauld be put round the plant to stop the next shift coming in. The Cartridge factory was invaded and a picket put on to stop its night shift. In one day 32 plants were eventually brought to a halt.

The demands af the strikers concentrated on calls for bread mingled with calls for an end to the Tsar's regime, fuli democratic rights and an end to the war, The breadth of the events took most Russian revolutionaries by surprise. Around 25,000 of them were grouped in the Bolshevik Party of Lenin. While ite hattlea

A A i

seasoned militants immediately set about spreading the action its leadership in the capital city was convinced that the disturbances would have only a temporary Character.

Petrograd 1917: women in the Russian Revolution

The next day the strikes spread to other industrial areas of the capital city, More importantly there were the first signs that the” armed forces of the old regime could Aot be relied on to save it against the striking workers, On February 24th. the hated Cossacks, who had always been used to crack the skulls of demonstrators, allowed ‘workers to fraternise by passing under their horses. As Trotsky described it

"the revolution does not not choose its paths: it made its first steps towards victory under the belly of a Cossack’s

horse”. As the strike spread so garrisoned troops turned their guns on their officers Or against police attacking strikers. By the 27th. February most soldiers in Petrograd had gone over to the workers

side, in turn the insurgent workers now found themselves armed in their own militia squads in collaboration with the

soldiers. The old regime was doomed.

Showed the enormous creative potential of the workers to spread and organise their class action. By the 27th, the workers were being joined in the action by cab drivers, its outcome underlined the absolute necessity for political leadership and organisation if that creative energy is not to pave the way for victory for others on the backs of the workers sacrifice and bload.

February

waiters and students. But.

On’ February “27th a meeting was hastily

put together to establish a Petrograd council of workers representatives. This Soviet [soviet being the Russian for

council] was the work initially of leaders of the Menshevik party. This party as distinct from the Bolshevik party held that as Russia was a backward country its coming revolution would have to give power to the bourgeoisie (the bosses) and usher in a stage of liberal capitalist development, While its leaders called for factories to send representative delegates to the Soviet it did so with a project of that Soviet limiting itself to ousting the Tsar and pushing the liberal Parliamentarians into power.

In their turn the liberal, and not so liberal, Parliamentarians clutched at the project of the Soviet's ’moderate! socialists. The insurrection was none of their own work. It threatened to engulf them too. So eventually a committee of Parliamentary big wigs (the Provisional Duma Committee) plucked up the courage to declare it was the real power in the land and was forming a Provisional Government. One of its chief architect's later admitted his motives. If this decision had not been taken by his committee, he claimed, " it would have been arrested by the mutinous soldiers and cut down to the last man.” ©

In the name of the workers the ‘moderate’ leaders of the soviet backed the Provisional Government of the bourgeois politicians as the proper course of the revolution. While the workers had paralysed and then toppled the old regime that regime was replaced by a government of capitalist politicians

the outcome of the February revolution was to establish a Dual Power. On the one side

there was an official new capitalist Government which owed its power to the workers insurrection. On the other side

were the bodies created by the workers in

that insurrection - the Soviet, committees in the factories and garrisons and the armed workers militia. The question left

unresolved by the February revolution was which side in this Dual. Power situation would become the real power. ?

lé is to this question that we will return in our next issue when we look at what Dual Power meant in the factories and haw the Bolshevik Farty fought to resolve that Dual Fower in the interests of the working class.

SOUTH AFRICAN MINERS

HEROIC STRUGGLE CONTINUES

South African miners are engaged in a protracted and bitter battle to defend and strengthen their union, the National Union of Kineworkers (HUM). At their recent congress they resolved to ensure that this summer's battle over pay would not end in the sane fashion as 1965. Last year the mineowners succeeded in splitting the ranks of mineworkers. Where the union was weak, in the Gencor mines for instance, the bosses were able to refuse major increases and intimidate miners back to work. The union was unable to bring out its stronger sections in the Anglo-American mines, The South African NUK has agreed that solidarity and united action must oe maintained this year; the problem is, how ta build far it.

The bosses have allowed no let up over winter. Wherever the union tries to build and extend its presence, the mineowners are ready with all the dirty tricks and tactics which Apartheid hands to them. Their favourite trick is to deport “migrant” workers back ta the “homelands”, the areas af South Africa where most black South Africans are forced to live when not working for the white bosses. The mineowners then recruit scab labour from amcngst the pool of desperately poor unemployed workers.

SIX HIRERS KILLED

At the Blyvooruitzicht mine near Jobannesburg, tbe NUM-organised workers fought back against this tactic by organising an underground sit in. They fougbt an heroic battle against the mineowners security force. Tragically six miners were killed and i76 injured. These are the sort of adds the South African NUK are up against, the miners know they cannot give up their struggle against their poverty line wages, and are learning from every battle.

The bosses have also been using "divide and rule’. Under Apartheid, black workers in South Africa are divided by the state inte different groupings according to the tribe their families originally belonged to. Often these divisions bear no relation to patterns of life today. They are just a way of encouraging splits amongst the black working class so that the white ruling class can hang onto power. Mineowners split workers into different groups by housing the different "tribes" in different hostels and showing preference to one group over another in terms of better jobs, junior supervisory roles and security forces,

BADGE OF THE CONFEDERATION OH | SOUTH AFRICAN | TRADE UBNTONS

| |

So when the NUM tries to organise, as Te

the Vaal Reefs gold mine this winter, Management tries to encourage it's own goon squads and vigilante groups to attack the union militants. Then it tells the world’s press that the trouble is ail due to “tribal conflicts"! The western media tries to give a picture of backward workers who can't agree amongst themseives- and need the benevolent whites to rule them.

Qur union, which has had it's own experience of the bosses tactics and press lies, must take a lead in countering this false propaganda. To help us do this, and to help build support for the South African NUK as it enters the fray this year, we must strengthen the links between the two unions. This is made even more urgent by the fact that the NUN has not only it’s own battles to face in the mines but wants to play it’s part in the mass strikes against Apartheid laws planned for this summer.

SOLIDARITY NEEDED

There is a strong possibility of a visit by South African RUM representatives to the British WUM, if they are allowed out of South Africa, if the pressing demands of their own unions allow it, if the finance can be raised and if such a tour is made worthwhile by plenty of branch and lodge meetings being set up to enable as many miners as possible to hear the case for solidarity and see what action can be taken. Such a tour would of course have to be officially organised through the International Department, but it will be made more likely if groups of lodges or branches, and in particular areas or panels, can indicate that they could lay on meetings and facilities for South African 48UK representatives.

‘WHAT 4s

Why do capitalists employ workers?

They employ workers only to produce profits. If workers do not produce enough profits then they are fired,

What do you mean by ‘enough’ profits? Surely as long as workers produce some profits they will not be fired.

No. In many cases workers who have been ficed, have been very puzzted, because their company, plant or mine was closed down while it was still making a profit. The fact is that what interests the capitalists is not whether or not a company makes a profit, but the rate of profit.

What do you mean by the rate of profit?

The rate of profit is the measure between the total capital Invested and the total profit. received from this investment. So if a capitalist invests #100 mittion and receives 10 million in profit: each year, his rate of profit is 10%,

Why is the rate of profit all important?

it is profit he

it tells a capitalist how much of capital invested.

important because is receiving for every 41 This is similar to the rate of interest in a building society. if the Halifax was giving 12% interest compared to the Nationwide's 10% then depositors would move their money to the Halifax because they would receive 29 more each year for every 41 they deposited with the Halifax.

Does the rate of profit ever fall?

Yes it does. It was one of Marx's greatest achievements in being able to explain why the rate of profit tends to fall.

Does it tend to fall because of higher wages?

This is what the bosses and their agents in the labour movement like to tell us. Quite the contrary. ft is quite simple to show that each workers has been producing more profits not less,

, So why does it fall?

Because the capital invested in production increases. To make their workers more productive the capitalists have to invest in bigger buildings, more equipment and machines, more materials and so on. Their investment has to therefore increase. Accordingly there is more capital over which to measure their profits and so the rate of profit falls, For example a capitalist, forced by competition may have to invest #200 miltion in a new factory. His profits however increase only from 410 miltion to £15 million. As a result his rate of profit falls from 10% (100 million + 10 mittion) to 7,5% (200 + 15),

What ‘happens when the rate of profit falls?

Capitalists invest jess. The more it falls the tess they invest. If enough capitalists stop investing in production,

a recession breaks out.

EXPLAIN:

Investment lf capitalists

is the engine of the economy. stop investing it means they stop buying steel and cement to build new factories, power (coal, oil etc) to run them and machines to equip them. They also stop recruiting workers.So demand falls throughout the economy because

capitalist are buying tess and because there are fewer workers with wages to spend.

* So workers are not to blame for the economic crisis.

No they are not. It is the capitalists who are to blame because their economy based on profit is no longer working. Thatcher talks about the wonderful world of profit, but really capitalism has seen its day.

Of course the capitalists will fight tooth and nail to preserve ‘their system. They will try to dump all their problems on the backs of the working class. Sacking us, closing down less efficient plant and mines, harder work, lower pay, worse conditions, all of these measures have but one purpose - to raise the sagging rate of profit.

What is the workers’ alternative to this?

it is the fight for control of production in order to abolish the capitalist system. Abolishing capitalism. will abolish the deathgrip of profit on production, $t will liberate production once and for all from all crisis.

MINERS WE HAVE ONLY OUR CHAINS TO LOSE AND A WORLD TO WIN,

WHERE WE STAND

RED MINER

Tha Red Miner is produced by members and supporters of Workers Powar. Workers Power is a revolutionary organisation fighting to build a new revolutionary party to overthrow capitalism - at home and abroad.

WORKERS" STRUGGLES

We support all workers’ struggles against the bosses. We fight to turn all struggles into canscious anti-capitalist struggles.

REFORRISS

The trade union and Labour leaders believe capitalism can be reformed, made better, but they do not aim to overthrow capitalism. They act as go-betweens for the bosses with the workers. Even militant leaders limit their strugles to the fight for gains within capitalism. For this reason we are for building rank and file movements politically independant of the burdaucracy and committed to transforming the unions into democratic, class struggle unions.

REVOLUTIONARY PARTY

A revolutionary party will te a workers' party, 2 party that, built in struggle, can learn and pass on the lessons of the 1984-85 strike and other struggles. le stand for miners taking their place in the front ranks of building such a party as they did in the 1920s. Only by building a naw revolutlonary party can we create the class army that can

fight and destroy the, stinking capitalist system

that threatens us with always having to fight to protect our jobs, conditions and organisations.

INTERNATIONAL ISR

We are committed te fighting capitalism internationally. we strive to build an international organisation of revolutionary parties. (Workers Power works with Irish, German, French and Chilean revolutionarles in the Movemant for a Revolutionary Internatfonal). In particular we fight nationalist solutions to the crisis put forward by reformists like calls for import controls. Such demands merely divide the working class.

DIVISIONS

We fight all divisions in the working class. Divisions are fostered by the bosses to weaken us. We are implacably opposed to racism immigration

cantrals, fascism, discrimination against and oppre- .

ssion of women, gays or black People.

THE OPPRESSED

We support all struggles by people oppressed by the bosses of fritain, America, France, Italy and the other capitalist (imperialist) countries. Immediataly in Britain this meams we support the right of the Irish people as a whole (not just. those in the marth) to detrmine the fate of their country. We unconditionally support the republicans and socialists in [reland fighting for this tight and demand the lomediate withdrawal of all British troops from Ireland.

WORKERS’ STATES

The USSR, Eastern Europe, etc are workers’ states. Capitalism has been abolished. However, in each of thase states a bureaucracy, based on the Stalinist Communist Parties, holds political power. This situation arase out of the international isolation of the Russian Revolution in the 1920s. The revolution degenerated at the hands of the bureaucracy headed

' by Stalin. The other workers’ states were degenerate

Fram birth in that they were created in the bureaucratic image of the USSR.

Therefore we call for a political revolution in all of these states to overthrow the bureaucracy and realise the full potential of these non-capitalist eeanomies thruogh democratic Planning. At the same time, in order to preserve the gain for the working class represented by these economies, we defend the USSR and degenerate workers’ states unconditionally against imperialism which, through war, will seek to re-introduce capitalism in these countries.

OVERTHROW CAPITALISH

The revolutionary party we seek to build will have as its strategic goal the overthrow of capitalism by workers organised into workers’ councils and armed so as to defeat the police and army that the bosses have used, and will use again, against us. We are for a socialist society in which all property is in the hands of the workers’ state and all production {is directed towards meeting. human need - nat satisfying the profit greed of the capitalists. We stand on the old slogan of Karl Marx:

WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE, - YOU HAVE NOTHING TO LOSE BUT YOUR CHAINS, AMO A WORLD TO WIN.