Red Miner no. 1
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THE RED MINER
N°1 APRIL 1985
Bt NStKEES Bulletin for miners and their families 5p
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WHAT IS THE RED MINER?
The red miner is produced by members and suppérters of WORKERS POWER. We are a revolutionary organisation that has set: itself the task of building a new revolutionary party in ordex to over throw
: eapitalisn - - nationally -and internationally, .
The miners! strike’ gave us tons’ of evidence. of. -how -far: the bosses are prepared-to7 go" to. defend: their wealth and break up. working class
oxganisations. On their side: is the enoukwons machinery of the police,
the courts and the presss
The miners! strike also showed all too graphically: just how inadequate the traditional workers organisations were in:the face of such an
“enemy, The NUM's traditional trade union militancy proved: no match for “the bosses set on waging a political wax against the miner se. British Strade union officialdom isolated and then betrayed the miners, They “were desperate to keep themselves out of an all out fight with the
Tories that would have threatened their salaries and cosy chats with
the bosses. ; . - The Lebour Party leaders hated ‘the miners! strike like the. plagues
_.. It challenged their basic lié that workers could only defend themselves ‘and advance their interests through ‘advancing the Parliamentary careers
of Kinnock, Hattersley and co, To theix careevist minds it threatened Labour's electoral credibility against the Tories, I+ threatened to vip the veil cff all the institutions that these traitors, along with
-the bosses hold up as neutral and sacred ~ Mother Parliament the police,
the courts, the judges. No wonder they stabbed the miners in the backy
It challenged the myth of harmony between workers and bosses that these
traitors daily try to peddle to uss
However it wan not only the Labour Party that was found “wanting. The Communist Party prides itself on its leverage within the NUM's official~ dom. Yet how did if use it? It is politically committed to securing and holding on to any official position at any cost, It uses these official positions to court people they like to dress up as "alies" of the working class. These"alies" come in many shapes and sizes. But most usually they are. the sort that a good picket, rolling solidarity action ox the fight for a general strike would send scuttling for cover, In the miners! strike their darling "ally" was the clergy. The bishops and vicars were supposed to posses. supernatural - powers to sway !public
opinion! to the side of the miners..eea8 long.as the miners did not
offend the opinions of the tlergy. As a restilt.+ mainly in Wales, but algo in Sectland ~ the miners were cvernore forced “to tin their sails
end nationalist teachers. right. through. 40 bishops and folk. singerst
The South Welsh leaders thought it better to march back with-the blessing of these characters than to stand-fixrm against “Thatcher. ‘Unity! is a marvelous thing if it is between the right foreess. But the working class has no need fox unity with those who seek to deny us full victory or the right to use the militant tactics necessary to secure it. .
The miners! strike found the éredi tional politics: of the British workers movenent wanting. But it also showed quite how. useless were the offerings of the many would be "revolutionary" groups within the labour noveneht. Throughout the dispute the Newsline, Socialist Action and Socialist Organisér heaped nothing but praise on the tactics and: — stratogy of the NUM leaders, They may not have liked each other but they all. sang the same song whatever they claimed, Militant was fixed on its own project of transforming the Labour Party which is controlled by the Parlianentary gang and the TUC burcancrats, into the instrument for passing a resolution in favour of socialisn through the ‘Mother of
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Parlianents', As a result for most of the strike they raised their heads no higher than asking for the TUC to cail a one day general strike = and logically a next day return to work - in support of the miners!
All these failings were, in the opinion of the Red Miner political failings. None of these groups fought for the building of a party that would be organisatienally (SO & SA are Labour Party’ buildrrs) ox politically ( the WRP had no essential differences with Arthur Scargill and the Labour
"Left during the dispute) separate from the Labour Partye,
The SWP claimed to be made of different stuff. They otcassionally eviticised Arthur Scargill and, more often, criticised his lieutenants. Yet throughout the dispute they had no political strategy for winning the strike except to-collect more levy money and strengthen: picket lines, In the name of building a "mass" party they offered up warried’ up. versions of
; what waz already being done by many. of the best militants.
-Blone on’ the left WORKERS POWER fought for: *a national strike ratified by a show of hands at mass neetings against the bosses ballot AND against non-aggression pacts with the scab officials in the Midlands coalfields, that the left on the NEC had made and honoured right through the strike, *for the NUM and theix supporters to fight fore » general strike to beat the Tory Govexrnrient. '*For a national rank & file movement of miners to hold all. of the NUM “leaders to account, to guard against any attempt to sell the miners shorty, and ‘to’ provide™ the basis of a revolutionary leadership of the NUM, | XBox the miners to take their place as the front ranks of the construction’ of & new communist party just as they did-back in the'1920's. The building of a new ‘revolutionary party remains the most crucial task facing militant mincrse Only through its construction can the lessons of the great strike be learnt and transmitted to other workers. Only through building a new _ revolutionary party can-we creatc the class arny that can fight and ‘destroy: thestinking capitalist system, a system that threatens all workers with the prospect of permanent struggle ox the erosion of their ~-Yights;, living coriditions and organisations.
“The Red Miner dedicates itself to building the nucleus of that party in the coalfields..It does sco with the confidence that thousands of miners have seen and learnt enough in the great. strike to play.a leading role in building a new party. This party will lead the working class.to victory.
(ee et a a ee mena a ste Sty Hw 0 ens Pd tt SS SPE Ye eS nt aR
"THE Nob IS HITTING US HARD ~ WE MUST HIT BACK,
"You have called ré bastard right through your strike, now you're going to discover just how right you were," ;
BO ‘spoke the: nanager at Ashern pit, Doncaster, ‘This is a sure ‘sign of _ the new tough line the NCB are taking. Not only are they pushing ahead with closures, they are imposing a new regine in every working pite
In many pits water noney..has - been taken fron us. New shifts have been imposed, In many cases the bosses have cut our wages by making us work different Jobs. Bvexywncre Local agreenents are under thrente
clawed back by the NCB. At. Kiveten Park ,the managers were vefusina to recognise. the: NUM's right to negotiate. In Kent miners have been threatened with the sz,ck: for using time honoured words like "scab", In Scotland a nassive redundancy prograrnie | is being forced through, with the likely
_ men
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a T
€,C0C jobs in the arca,
-a-SS ot
tris cffensive can be fought, Short strikes at Kiveton Park, Markhen in cztr Derbyshire, Kent and the Phurmacite plant in South Weles have ancwn that the spirit of the great strike lives on.
ot the moment defensive measure are vital. Zvery threat must be met cy instant response actions. For this some form of shop steward type systen is vitel. Only unicn nen actually on the job can nonitor manegenent’s actions and act with the authority of the union. Any belief that we can compromise our way out of the new management regime is an illusion. As another manager, this time at Rogington, Doncaster, said; "things will not be going back to normal, things will go where I want then to gc," -
ce ee tk oes et GO eee Te ey ed SY Dl SD GS a GG eS St Re ee pe ee mg ee PE me es ee re
The ending of the gre-t strike showed cruciolly why miners need 2 renk cnd file movement. The strike was kick-storted cnd. held together by thousends of rank ond file nilitents. At the battle of Orgreave these rilitents were in the front line, In the face of backsliding by the leaders these militants held the line. When the leadership recommended colleboretion with the sequestryators in December Tank < and file pressure stopped the rot,
Yet when it came to deciding whother ox not to go beck to work these militents were nor orgenised to reject the surrender. They were cutside the conference chenting defiance. But the deleg-te “conference = clected well before the strike started - hed the finel word,
Many militents went back to work reluctantly, but took Axthur Seargili'ts words thet "the fight goes on" 7s good coin. The hollowness of those words wos revealed in the days ofter the delegate conference when
‘pickets from Kent were told by officials in Yorkshire thet they were
not welcone, Branch officiels led hundreds cf workerg cceross a Kent picket line at Cortonwood,
For fron.fighting on, the leadership have told the sacked miners that there igs little the union can do to help then, The sackcd have been
told to sign-cn the-dole, The 50p levy ballot reject was the result of two things. On the one hand, after-eclling the ballot the leadership
did nothing to canpaisn for a yes vote. Denoralisation wes left to do
its dirty work, At the same time there was no rank cond file movenent thet could heve forced the lenders to cet ond campaign independantly. Many militants were, passive participants in the bellot not fighters fcr
. the right result.
The leadership ore retrenting even further, This explains why they have -alled off the overtime bean. The decision by the delegate confer ence to do this makes 2 mochery of the idecthat "the fight goes on".
Axthux cleims to have supported keeping the ban. The problem was he did nothing to organise his rank ond file supporters to stop the retrect. Insterd he is still insisting thot the miners have alrecdy won 9 victory. He told -Kent ruincrs at the March 28 NEC thot the struggle itsclf was "a victory", This flies in the face of reality, It does nothing to organise the nilitents, regroup the fighting forces and prepere the necessary counter-attack agninst the NCB,
These tasks nust now be tcken up as 2 metter of urgency by the nilitants.
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The April 13 Rank and File miners conference must be « springboard to permanent organisation. THe delegatcs must leave the meeting clear thet their job is- to pull together, All militants committed to holding the line against the NCB and the NUM comprortisers. Regular ncetings to plan work ain the union st branch and area level must-be held, Bulletins and iecflets must publicise the NCB's attacks and put forward the ways to resist them, The campaign to win reinstatement - lobbies, denonstrations, attenpts to win pits to work to rule within the terms cf the Mincs and Querrics Act - rust be organised by the rank and file.
If the denoralisation expressed by the ballot result is allowed to spread then it will reach the militants, Activists who were at the forefront of the strike will be tenpted to opt out for the quite life “of passive union metibers. The right wing will profit throughout the union. The left wing will ccunsel further retrents in the hope of saving their control over the union mochine. We can-only sttp this if we start - organising, Build the rank and file movement now!
THE PITFALLS OF BROAD LEFTTSM,
Now the strike is over many militants will be working out ways of how to win the scab areas over to the left. Alrecdy Jim Colgan has fended off 2 challenge from the right-wing Emery, in the Midlands, Chedburn and Richardsons, however, have been replaced by the .scabs Lynk and Prendergoret in the NEC.
The temptation willbe to rely on the old steple of Bréad Left canvassing to win elections and graduelly gain control of Notts, After all this wos the nethod thet brought Scargill, Heathfield: and McGahy to office. This temptation must be avoided,
Broad leftism.is not what the rank and file need, The Brosd Left is an alliance of convenience for purely electoral purposes. When it comes to action the Broad Left will fr-egment. Some .of its members will betray, others will want to fight but have no rank cnd file to carry on the fight with, This ig what happened in the strike. One wing eed. the Broad Left around South “ales copped out, Others, like Scargill had nothing on the ground to throw into action independently.
The fragnentation is continuing, Only kent, Yorkshire and Durhan voted to continue the overtine ban, What of lefteled Scotland and South Wales? ‘McGahy and Williams no longer went to fight. Arthux-nakes this clear seying: "The position of Peter Heathfield and Arthur Scargill has been well known." Notice, Mick MeGahy is Bot mentioned. He opposed the over~ tine ban.
The lesson is thet an electoral machine is not suited to fighting anything except clections, And then the results of eloctions depend on much bigger things then how well the caucuses have been organised. They depend on whether the workers fcel confident or demoralised.
We need’ to combat denoralisation and build confidence, ‘To do that wo need a rank and file movement based on clear fighting policies. Of course we should stand rank and file candidates in elections. Of course we will support the left condidate, while not hiding our criticisns. But we will not throw all our egss into the electoral basket, We will organise in the pits and arcas for . fight with the NCB and the right, That way wefll make sure we can win elections at every levcol in the union as well,
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WHAT WE MUST FIGHT FOR, Unleés we know what our sins are weowinta ti ctl. 7 Sth hte A voenk and file movement must have © ciocr r=.7=t-m.. To ae
that defend every miners interest egeinst v2 ST orl th. Dore: that lead to a struggle to destroy capitalisz.
At pit level we must organise to hold the line secinsz th: - This means a nassive improvenent in union organisation, We nest elected and accountable representatives for every shift, face end pars of the pit, A committee of such representatives should be the branch comiittec, Each committee should produce abulletin for information and campaigning purposes. Above oll regular mass meetings in work tine if this can be wong to hear grievances, plan action and maintain the union as the voice of the men‘shoulé become the norm.
We must maintain the NUM as 2 notional union. After the defeat there
is a clear tendency to retreat back into the arens. The federalism of the NUM and.the independance of the arecs is strengthening this fragmentation, For the strikers in the minority orens this spells Aisaster. Federslisn leaves then out of touch with their stviking Allies. © Leicester's Dirty Thirty have been told they are no longer financial _hembers of the NUM.because their dues lapsed during the strikes Only a “netionsl union can defend these Inds and others like them ih the Midlands. We want cne union and one rule book,
The national union nust be fullly denccrntic. At the moment it is not. We went to sce all officinls subject to regulsr olections, to be accountable to the men during their term of office, with the men having the right to recall officials. We went to see all. officials peid the same--wages.. .as,o.faceworker carne We wont to set rid of the secret ballot altogether ond nake mass’ pectings’ the decision naking bodies in the NUM. The delegnrte conference was not truly representative. The ending of the strike showed this. We want a delegate conference made up of elected representatives fron every pit. with voting strength at conference in proportion to the numbcr of workers they represent. We want the unicn to build, support and fund the wives! groups giving them ‘representative observor stctus, with spesking rights at every level of the union, |
A denceretic union defending miners has no place for hardened scabs like Roy Lynch, Ken Toon and Jack Jones in it. These men prefer the courts #6 the union branch or miners neeting, They stand with the police cordon against the picket line. They must be expelled and new areas of the NUM founded in the scab regions,
‘The strike has left us with unfinished business, The rank and file mnovenent must organise to finish it off. We want the reinstatement of all victimised mincrs and amnesty for jailed miners. A union cempaign cf direct action - demos, a new overtime ban, work to rules and strike action = tust be launched, In the meantime we must gaurantee financial support ané aid to the sacked, the imprisoned and theix families,
The closure of Bedwas and the proposed closures of Polnaise, Polkemnet, Fuances and Bogside prove that the NCB butchers still ain to close pits. We can only stop them with another national strike. But a new strike will not just happen. Hard work is needed to build for it, We mast start in every area to win the position thet every pit threatened with closure will strike, and every areca will back. that strike with area actions By committing arcas to mutual support + Yorkshire supporting Kent and Scotland and vice versa = we can rebuild new i strength from the regions, We did this in tho strikes of 1969 and 1970.
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ah A97é. the national strike was possible and victorious. 1 Vo ‘ust Go it.
Against pit closures we demand new investment and the taking on of new labour, We axe against all redundancies - jobs are not for sale. We want shorter hours for the seme pay. To fight for these goals we need real workers! control, This is not participation with the bosses, It is a daily fight with thor in which we exert our right ‘to control manning levels, the speed and hours of work, hiring and fixing and decisions: in the closure of a. pite In other words we fight for a veto by us.on the NCB's
plans, ot . . ‘
Fon. a8 years now we have not had a wage rise. We need to catch up. We want to see the end of the divisive regional procuctivity deals. In its place should be a national wage: agreencnt bascd on the current highest average carnings with highest bonus consolidated into-it, As well as any annual rises we go-for we algo want to protect our wages from price rises. Wives. groups and miners must monitor price rises and on the basis of our cost, of living index ~ not the management's or government's - we.want a 1% wage wise for every 1% rise in infletion.
~-- Every day of the strike was a lesson in politics, The usc-of the police, the courts, the anti-union laws, tho press and the DHSS, was all part of ‘politics. The seab vole of the Labour Party leadership,‘ Kinnock and co, showed that our strike had a political neaning. We must not forget these ‘lessons. We must fight openly on a politicel, a revclutionary socialist basis, against all. the political weapons the bosses have, This .méans calling Kinnock’and co, and our own union spensored MPs toAccount. it means building on the links we meade during the strike with other rank
and file workers in Britain ani abrooed, It means fighting 211° the way to make the NUM into a real class struggle union that fights the bosses every inch of the way. If we sueeced then cur tine of vengeanedon McGregor and Thatcher will definitely con
ed ae re Oe a rh RP ek OE Bey Fh A pee SH ey SS Ss SN SH el SOLD DY SE Nar pre
"We ARE NO? GOING BACK",
Thatcher started -the miners! strike hoping that she could use the wives to beat the miners, The gutter press heaped cnournous praise on ea tiny number of ‘petticoat! pickets at Ollerton. They hoped that women's domestic isolation, lack of political expericnce and traditional involvenent in the Labour movenent would set them against the NUM, The truth was quite the reverse. Wives, girlfricnds and women workers rallied around tho strike, It could not have been nmaintaincd without thom,
- Most of these women have no intention of going back to the life they knew before the stvikc. And no wonder. They opened up a whole new world for thensclves.e They @igcovercd new: skills and a new confidence, They discovered solidarity, For that reason wives! groups are rightly determined to stay together. - . oo ae
-In the wecks and nonths ahead it will be vital to organise regular activities and meetings. Each group must work hard tc try and draw in new recruits fror anonsst the miners!-wives, The dancex of small groups of activists becoming isolnatca must be countered with a vigorous canpairzn fo mobilise wives both around issucs connected with the aftermath of the strike and: around wider issucs.
Groups must: : *connit themselves to actively campasning on behalf of the secked and imprisoned miners and their familiés. |
- sme
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*organise s progranne of discussion on the political questicns that weze reised in. the strike - how can women be emancipated, why are British troops in Ireland - these ore’the kinds of topics that should be Aiscussed, they must organise to rally behind all miners fighting sackings,
*Anthur Soma has called Por woren's groups,.to have associate menbersiLo < ; MU, Che groups must ece to it that. this is made operational Leni aera, whey ast make sure that the groups have obscrvor rigi‘s 3 every level of the union, But at the same
tine the decision nuking and policies of the groups must be entirely in She hands of the women thensclves, They must put demands on the ledge to guarantee 14 will provide chile care and travel facilitics to enable women $0 _abéend the heewings. re
*they must draw up their oun Gerlands te meet the needs of the women in the contri iiee - cemands fox nurserics, adequate public transport, -health cere otic - and ovganise to fight through the local Labour
-movenent both alongside other unions and in the Labour Party to achieve these coals. *
oTOSt inport 2: a3 ctner 2 of wor be puepare? new" TS y force, They anould cs and in erdi. wc cren initiatives: a
“Mit ie vitel the i and that :
they mst maintain tae links they heve built with
) mf onss momen and actively expand then. They rust
support all. workers in struggle as an independent ohii _ thoiz own funés to make this possible
local Lodge putting a block on _wonen''s
yo ave a national democre tic org ranisation tcgetner and organise to fight for one, A névtional..wonens. 2 unis conference is being planned by the Midlanda Vonen's Jo-oxdinating Comittee, probably in April. It cculé provide an impoyvtant opportunity for groups to propose and discuss fiuwime places. at the seme time we mest organise to foxce the National Wonen gains’ Yih Closiiius so oxganl ¢ 2 mach broader and nore representa: og goon as posmible. . one
The rr cives keve given tospiaaticn not only tc the miners but to other wor-cins 5 OB! wegen, as vemen -. health workers, the Fords‘ machinas ~ e attacks and yen. woren! s._
reoo« have ghosn thus they can fight Thatcher's do of vae women of the Sining communities the months see the launching cf a real mass working clss
The FEC is diccurcing complying with the. governnent'’s anti-union lows. These laws alicwu vhe en to steni our funds, declare our strikes illegal and wtop cuz pickets. Since “cur defest the bosses have felt confident enough to wse the lave against postment and civil service “workexse .
The Zetneat by fhe wrions in the face of the laws must stop... Every Lodge,’byans: enould seni veselutions to the “EC une ging the continuation of our policy of non-compliance with the Lows.
Pe eek ae ee nk ee a ao a ey NE a ee ee
Lynk ané Prendergs: st ave holding 2 » stol to the head:of the NUM.
vefes
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Either the NUM carrics out the Tory policies they want: cr they will refuse to carry out national policy and split with the union altogether.
Along with the scab cfficials in S Derby and Leicester they are weging ~ a ruthless canpsign against all those who challenge their plans to turn . their arcas into company unions. With the blessing cf the Tory judges they got rid of Richardson. Now they are declaring that union loyal strikers are out of membership and ineligible for office because they are behind with their dues,
_Lynk and his scabby crew want to establish an NCB loyal company union. And they are out to do so with the full backing of top Tory advisers like David Hart, Every move they have made has been cleared by a gang of lawyers that have been put at their service. Every nove is calculated to break the strength of the NUM,”
Lynk is relying on the NUM leadership to give him plenty of opportunity to organise his forces, He recently said in a newspaper interview that Arthur wouldn't expel hin. All the signs to date suggest he's right. .Militants were offered rule 51 as a means of disciplining the scab officials, It was never used, There are no plans to discipline the scab
officials even nowe
The NUM nationally should immediately expel the scab erea organisoe tions, To do otherwise is to allow a company union to organise in the name and with the blessing of the NUM, Its poison will spread into the other areas as the scabs link up with their miserable counterparts in the other arcase Union loyal militants will be left to their mercy, So too will the union loyal waverers who —- in Notts for example - are opposed to a break with the national union.
Only innediante and decisive action can stop Lynk, Prendergast and cc. if they are expelled then the NUM in the scab areas can be put in the hands of union loyal strikers, In turn they can recruit to their ranks from those who want « national union and 2 leadership that stands up to “the bosses.
The cry will go up - " you can't do that it would divide and weaken the union". It is perfectly true that expulsion would divide the NUM, We don't want tunity' with the bosscs own agents. But this move would not weaken the union. By firmly breaking with company unicnism and fighting to build «a class struggle union against Lynk, Prendergast, Tron and Jonesy, the NUM would have strengthened its ability to dcfend its members against the NCB. It would recruit and organiseall the best elements, That is the precondition for turning the scab ereas of 1984/5 into fichting units of 2 national class struggle union.
THE STRUGGLE AGAINST SPENCERISM.
The NUM's defeat will strengthen the hands of the seabs as it did beck in 1926, After the 1926 lockout non-unionism as well as company unionisn spread throughout the industry. The MFGB had 804,246 members in 1925,
By 1929 thot figure had dropped to 521,345, Labour MP George Spencer established his own Notts scab union, In South Walcs Gregory's scab South Wales union set up 107 lodges.
The betrayal of the TUC and the defeat of the minors in the 1926 lockout. left the coal cwners free to dictate the terms of employnent ‘and union membership. In the ocean combine in South Wales"scab unionism" was a condition of employment. Despite a 1929 TUC ballot of Notts miners voting 32,000 for the MPG5 and only 2200 for the Spenccrits the Notts
~Bun
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Mine wners recognised only Spencer's MN, Small pockets of extremely brave militents kept the unicn alive in the hershest of conditions.
Defeat algo strengthened the hand of the Right wing leaders who stayed within the MPGB. In Leicester, for example, the Miners Association accepted the cool owners conditions as to who could, or could net, negotiate with then. They dumped Jack Smith whe had been the areas most militant leader. While they did not set up their own "non-political" union they simply refused te pay any donations to the union's pclitical fund. Betwcen 1928 and 1937 the Right wing Leicester area made only one small conations
On a national level the MFGB Right adopted their own "new reslisn" adopting a policy of working with the existing regional agreenents imposed by the owners at the end of the lock out, The Right took a particularly tight grip on the Yorkshire areca,
This same Right wing leadership never challenged Leicester's undeclared Spencerism. And when the rank and file were poisec to destroy Spencerisn in Nottingham the MPGB leaders ~ and the Labour Party in the form of Eomanuel Shinwell - accepted George Spencex MP back into the bureaucratic fold on his own terms.
esc
The crucial fight agsinst Spencerism in Notts was waged in Harworth, In 1935 Notts MFGB membership in the pit was increased from 7 to 157. They were sacked when they fought the owners over cirt deductions with the the support cf the majority of the workforce. In April 1937 the MbGr recorded an cnourmous ballot majority in fevour of a netional strike $o secure recognition for the Harworth nen. Spencerism could have been destroyed. Yet the MFGB - under ecnsiderable pressure from the Labour Party = agreed tc merge their forces with George Spencer,
They did sc on shameful terms. Gerrge Spencer was to be President and National Excecutive nenbver of the new fused union. Five full tiners wore appointed for life ~ three of them Spenceritss. The new union guaranteed a no=strike deal for five years anc agreed thet "politics" would only be discussed at specially convened neetings.
Meanwhile only 350 of the 1000 Harworth strikers got their jobs back. Jock Kane = CP member and leader of the strike - was sent down for two years hard labour,
In the name of 'unity! the scab officials were welcomed back into the union while the best militants were left out in the cold.
IT MUST NOT HAPPEN AGAIN!
Read Read Head Read Read Rend Read Read Read
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