Where Next for the NUM?

25p/1 Op strikers

2 INTRODUCTION 4 NATIONALISATION i1 TRANSFORM THE N.U.M. 14 POLICIES

{5 WOMEN

156 OPPRESSION

i7 INTERNATIONALISM 19 LAW

20 GOVERNMENT

Printed & Published by Workers Power

BCM 7750

London |

WCIV 3XXK

i fhe Guesk: ion af where i oy we - @ push the: mine eS MORE | te road th: A Uno im Of ger i get Bir Way, ne ove epehelming mit ety sf 4 ‘le! leade-s have not Had the stomech for an onan fight with theen. They prefer ts hold o@ to office and not reck ihe boat.

he i nd Labour Parly are ex cording § enOSMGUS Pressure fo persuade thre NOM to turn its bask on its traditions of industrial militancy ana caine

arms with Thatchersm. Again the NU iM’s left loaders Rave backed away trom an ogen fight against | these traitors aad steered clear of appeaiing directiv ico their rank and file to halt tae betrayals.

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trike has also created a whole new Jayer of miktunt mingss, an « : 37 fe Hagnters. in as yy Bit BMG TH Ost Dranches mney have been ihe most consi stent picketers an a OTgassers. Every tis me the : @ deen ihe ones calling f for the NUM to stand

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wyereni. Tt must ‘organise ‘against the bt atant treachs sty oF he. saht and he backsliding gid conciliation of the lefts. 12 must organise to transform he NUM into a class si ruggie union that fights and wins.

Since the formation of the NUM the left has generally organised itself as an electoral machine geared to securing posts for left officials, We m1 just break with that tradition. We aeed a movement that mobil ise. the rank : and file a mare than election fodder. It must be able to hold all officials to uccount - and act nidependently t0 initiate struggle and change. That i is precisely what the left machines that elected Arthur Scargill and Henry Richardson have Bol been,

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cwever sirply organising the minority does not solve the matter for the militants. The strike has shown enormous weaknesses in the structure and traditions of the NUM. It has shown that the NUM cannot fight in spiendid isolation and leave the rest of the labour movement in the hands of traitors. It has shown that the attacks on the miners and all other workers need nolitical answers if we are to win the struggles ahead.

A rank and file miners movement must have a programme for transforming

the structures and policies of the NUM. The Onofficial Reform Comuanittee before World War One produced ‘The Miners Next Step’as its platform

against bureaucracy and class collaboration. The National Miners Minority —

FO el, LT TT IT Ade ee SL Pelee hee rte.

Movement of the 1920s was committed to 2 programme of class struggle

against the coal owners. We must revive that tradition of political struggle - among the rank and file of the NUM.

The pamphlet we produce here is our prograrnme for transforming the NUM. We thank alf those miners fram South Wales, Lsicester, Notts, the Midlands

Yorkshire and Keat who have been involved in the discussions thai made 3

production possiliie, We welcome all future discussion that would enable us tG improve sad develop it,

Workers Power, January 1985

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atlits 1946 Bridlington conferenday ) oe “That, in view of the early nationalisation of the coal mining industry, it * be an instruction to the National Coal Board, as soon as the Bill is passed and becomes law, to organise Area meetings in al] areas of the Union, to which should be invited both the workmen and the management in order - to bring before them their joint responsibility under the mew ownership, and to seek their full cooperation in safety, efficiency and production,

__ discipline in the industry”. a

In this spirit ‘the NUM released its officials to become NCB divisional Labour Directors and campaigned for Saturday working. It actively collaborated with the new employer in creating a machinery of consultation and participatio

with management at pit, area and national level. |

From the start, the NUM also failed to create a genuine national union on

the bones of the old federation. The old District Unions were left their own | rule books, distinct structures and officers. Arthur Horner admitted this . himself: | tes var

“If [ have a complaint against this scheme, it is because it is such an emasculated scheme. Why is it emasculated? It is emasculated because

we have to take into account not only the general interests of the men which would drive me to one allout Mineworkers Union involving the _ liquidationof the District Unions. But we have to be realists and take into account the vested interests of the District Unions, and the state of the emasculated form of that scheme represents what we believe to be is the maximum concession that we can give in order to get even thisstep forward in the march toward one Mineworkers Union.” :

To this day the Districts have their own rule books and procedures. The

~ executive itself is a federal body comprised of area officials. The autonomy

of the areas and independent powers of the area officials bore bitter fruit when Nottingham broke ranks and accepted the area incentive schemes(AIS) It made the scabbing of Toon, Chadburn, Jones and Bell all that much easier

Nationalisation has served the bosses and not the miners. In 1948 there were 716,520 miners on the NCB’s books. 72%of those jobs have gone. In the hands of Labour, ino less than in the hands of the Tories, capitalist nationalisation

has meant, primafily, the “rationalisation” of the coal industry. The capitalist class got the coal it needed at the least poosible cost by the introduction of more advanced technology and the closure of “surplus” capacity.

The NCB and the government _ had it their own way until the late 1960’s. When the first major round of closures was announced in the late 1950’s the NUM leaders pinned their hopes on the return of a Labour Government to protect jobs and; expand the industry. Labour repaid the NUM’s support with the Coal Plan of 1965 which was-to close 4 of the South Welsh pits and 2/3 of those in Durham. This legacy of defeats and retreats had a dire

-@ffect on the morale and confidence of the NUM rank and file. This can be seen in the strike figures of the industry. On average between 1947 and 1955 there were annually 778 sirike days rer 1,009 empic sy 68S. Between 1956 and 1967 that figure had dropped dramatically te 225 per 1,600 miners. in 1968 it st oad af i235!

The wage cutting and unifying effects of the 1966 National Power Loading Agreement and growing disillusionment with relying on Labour, served to tevive trade union militancy in the NUM’s ranks. There were major unofficial strikes in both 1969 and 1970. In 1972 and 1974 the NUM fought and won two national strikes against Heath’s Tory Government. Once again it was

to be a Labour Government that would rob the miners of the fruits of thelr victories.

Sis

Qut of the Coal Industry examination in the autumn of 1974 came the quch vaunted “Plan for Coal” agreed jointly by the Government, the NCB and the NUM. In the same spirit: that welcomed nationalisation and retreated before the bosses attacks the NUM leaders agreed to a production incentive scheme in return for the expansion of the industry. That incentive scheme _was to eventually take the form of NCB and Labour Government (via Fuei Minister Tony Benn) proposals for aréa incentive schemes. The aim was to set area against area and pil apainst pit in a bid to break the cohesion and unity of the NUM. One by one the area leadershi,s accepted the bait.

The federal structure of the NUM al} owed this piecemeal betrayal despite the defeat of ihe proposals in a national ballot. Once again participation and collaboration with the government and NCB had seriously, undermined the fighting strength of the NUM. Today’s-split in the NUM’s ranks 1s a testimony to the roltenness of ihat daal.

~. The. 1984/5. strike has nevertheless underlined the enormous strength o

the miners. No. wonder they are T hatcher’s number one “enemy Mahan” Huwever it has also reveaied the weaknesses of the NLM, as they have been created by the leaders of the NUM- left as well as right. Now is the time for militantsto otganise - in cause of winning the strike and. a

‘in the cause of strengthening the union after the

strike - to finish off the work of breaking the NUM from collabovation and concilistion ,.to turn the union into a weapon of consistent class struggie. And now is the time to carry to completion the work of the militant miners who've organised and fought in the past to create a thoroughi y democratic and genuinely national union for ail mineworkers.

The record of collaboration must be ended for ever. At every single levei this means the NUM winning complete independence from maragernent. it means organising the union so as to challenge the management's “right to manage’ effectively and consistently. | |

MacGregor and Thatcher have been right when they have said that ihey were fighting the NUM in order to defend management’s right to manage the industry. And what do they mean by this right that they claim for

their class ? They mean the right to run the industry in the interests of the the bosses and bankers and at the expense of the miners. They need to reassert that right at the present moment because they are about to jaunch the most savage attack yet on jobs and conditions in the coal industry.

_ The application of computer and microchip technology to mining in the shae of the Mine Operating System (MINOS) will give them the practical ability to completely transform the whole industry. The job cutting potential of MINOS and its component sub-systems is staggering in its scale. On the basis of official Mining Department figures the Working Environment Research Group at Bradford University calculated a potentia! loss of 83% of coalmining jobs. This is not some far off threat, the NCB already has the iechnology to produce its projected coal output for 1987/88 from just 93 mines plus the Selby coniplex with a total workforce of 93,000.

These massive cuts in manpower will be achieved by a combination of improved technology and greatly increased direct management contrai of every stage

of coal production. Thus, for example, electronic sensors on guided shearers will both increase the efficiency of the machine itself and almost esiminate unexpected breakdowns. information relating to the operation of the shearer will be fed continuously te a computer which will alert management to any developing defects, allowing them to be corrected before they cause. a Stop. page, In this way the number of faceworkers and fitters cari be greatly rp duced. The target is to cut a face team from 16 men to 2! Similar developments will be introduced in other areas, for example, coal clearance and preparation. Indeed, the NCB have already introduced individual parts of

the complete MINOS system in different pits, they have already tested and refined their use, ne

Management supervision wil! not stop at the computer in the colliery office. Every pit will also be connected to the national Compower computer. This will mean that management at national level will be able to | monitor and compare not only the outputs of different pits but even the output per hour of individual shifts in different pits. Every face will be com-

pared with the post produc tive and that will become the standard fer de- "ining what js ‘economic’ and what is not.

Such a degree of supervision over the workforce is ad vicious threat to effective trade unionism in the mines. No t only will management have sole access to che information and use it to set face against face and pit against pit out the sophistication of the machinery will make many miners’ skills unnecessary. ‘the possibility of empioying unskilled and un-unionised workers in the pits

iS NOW a reat ity.

+ it is this monopoly of information and contro! that the union must break. The technology itself could be the grectest asset to miners, making possible shorter hours and saier working conditions for an expanded workforce but not if it is ander the contro! of the likes of MacGregor or any ot ther agent of the bdsses and bankers. The fight for workers’ coatroi is the key to effective trade unionism i in the mines !

There have been many in the SUM, and Peter Heathfield is one of them. who have argued for workers’ control as 2 form af icint partnership be tween managers and workers io be achieved through an increased level trade union represents tion on Management Boards. Ali such schemes bai down to no more than taking co-responsibility for the industry ana would tie union representztives into the business of administering the industry in iandem with, and cn th: terms of, the bosses.

The Ryder participauon scheme in Britisn Leyland — enthusiasticalh ys sold oy the Labour Government and accepted by the Communist Party - did precisely this. It served to nearly destroy the shop steward system inio the bargain, We must reject all such proposals for the coal industry. Inthe

namie of ‘Industrial Democracy’ they blind the memibers to the itrecancitably opposed “econsinie’ interests of the miners and those who manage the industry for the bosses.

Arthur Scargill has recognised some of the dangers inherent in ali these proposals ..."7 subst that we d> not need workers’ participation to pisy our part as a trade union inside the National Coal Board or any other industry in Britain.” However, his solution has always been to leave management to manage while the trade union organises to moderate and imnrove their decisions, “Provided the trade union is prepared to exercise iis strengi, we can convince management to change its views or, at the very least, modify them in many fields.”

Against participation schemes and current trade union practice we must organise the NUM to fight for workers’ coatrol throughout the industry. It means that, while taking no responsibility at all for the running of the industry, the union must fight to be able to enforce a veto over any

“managernent decision that runs counter to the meinbers’ interests. The fight for workers’ control is the fight to destroy management $ Righ: to Manage’. | . |

Arthur Scargill and others will say that workers’ control is impossible under capitalism and can mean nothing other than participation. We say that the fight to assert workers’ control is part of the struggle to destroy the power of the capitalist class and its management agents. ii cannot be won Gs a ‘permanent and stable long term condition in single pits, or in the industry as a whole. Management will fight the battle as a life or death struggle. They may try to divert it through participation schemes. Either ihe Strugele win spread throughout the industry, to all organised workers as part of a gencralised offensive agains« the bosses or it will be rolled back by the bosses.

The fight fer workers’ contro! is a declaration of permanent war against the bosses -- and it must be fought as such !

We must fight to ensure that, under MUM control, the new technologies work for the ndners and not for the bosses. We musi organize to vels every mumagement decision that the NUM members consider is contvary to their interests. Under workers’ control the new technologies can be usc to:

dramatically cut shift time end the length of the working week

> hire new workers as 3 result of ihe cut in the working week

improve health and safety - electronic sensors monitoring fave temperaiure and methane levels could hai. saved lives at the Cardowan ealiery in 1982, for examoié. In the bosses hands they will crly be used to increase the rate of expiaitation of the miners.

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Every icdge/branun must $0 organise itself as to be able to impose its contra! over speeds, hours , hiring, conditions and ihe wilisation of aew techinology. Area councils and panels must coordinate and support inat fight. Nationally, the NUM must give a lead. But this means making a radical bresk with the practices of the past. {i ineans pulling out of the NCB’s consultative machinery. Right down to colliery level these consultative committees undermine the fighting independence of the union. With their sub-committees they He the NUM into joint decision making with NACODS and BACM - invariably on the NCB’s terms. On all questions concerning the livelihood and welfare of its members the NUM should organise to face management as an independent and opposing force. On all other matters it should take no co-responsibility | with management. | |

Those who defend involvement in the present consultative machinery invariably do so on the grounds that it is from within such committees that

the union obtains information from management. Of course the union needs the maximum information but, as the secret hit lists showed, management cannot be trusted to reveal their true plans in the polite confines of the consuitative committees. [i uses the consultative machinery to hoodwink the warkers into thinking that they are kept inf formed and are comuled on future plans.

The fight for. workers’ control requires that we break open the world of - business secrecy within which the NCB manages. The defence of jobs and conditions requires that we know all their plans and intentions.

it means opening the books of management. Their books and computer — data banks must be opened to direct NUM observation and inspection. The NUM itself must appoint its own experts to examme the accounts of the NCB at every level. It must appoint experts to examine computer - stored information and to caiculate the impact of future plans on the inembers. Such information is essential to arm the unicn to make the new technologies benefit the workers. We demand the right to send workers’ inspectors into all meetings — not io cooperate under promises of secrecy but in order to report back openly to the workforce.

ft means ending participation at every level. Alf national plans drawn up jointly by the Government, the NUM and the NCB have either been directly framed on the employers’ terms or have worked out that way if the union

has not proved it tself strong enough, and independent enough, to defend its members. George Brown's Coal Plan of 1965 was dramatically revised down in the interests of the bosses. So too was the Plan for Coal. ae

The union showd withdraw its endorsement of the Plan for Coal, recog: nise that there is no common interest between the NCB and the NUM and organise (> resist and veto munagemeat’s plans.

The fight for workers’ control is not.a new system for running the NCB under capitalism. Ht is a resolute, every day fight to defend the interests of the present workforce and their children’s prospects of a job. But,-at the same time, it poses an alternative way of running both the industry and seciety in general. One where technological change reduces the hours and improves the conditions tor. all. In short, if must become a fight against capitaiisyn itself. The fight for workers’ control will help to educate, organise and politicise the whole workforce. It means that after this strike the majority of the members will not sink back into indifference towards union affairs. lt will necessitate leaders at all levels of the union who are first and faremost fighters and not office boys and negotiators. It will help to isolate and crush the right wing who thrive on bureaucracy, on collaboration with management and on apathy among the membership. The fight for workers control must be a fight to transform the NUM organisationally as well 80 as.to be able to meet this task.

19

The 1984/85 strike has shown once again that there are immense reserves of fighting ability among rank and file members who have hitherto been little involved in the union. The task of creating a national union that is ready to fight at a moment’s notice must begin from below. We must work for

. change in every pit.

fn the first place this must mean fundamental changes in workplace organisation. At present lodges/branches are usually run by committees which distribute tasks and functions between them. They offer ampie opportunities for feather-bedded officers to stay above ground except for the occasio- | nal fleeting visit underground. Such a system does not sufficiently represent the working miners.We need a shop steward system in the mines.

_. The Unofficial Reform Committee in South Wales after the first World War and the National Miners Minority Movement that succeeded it both fought for the wholesale transformation of the lodge/branch committee structure. Every division of a district was to have its own elected union representative. These representatives were to form the basis of representative union commi-_ ttees democratically responsible to the working units in the pits. In that way lodge/branch committees could be organised to effectively represent every grade and district in the pit. We must take up their struggle once again. -

Present systems of work unit representation are woefully inadequate. In some areas charge hands (or captains in South Wales) are elected by the men themselves. But they are not represented within the union structure in any meaningful way. In some areas (like Notts, for example} charge hands __ are stilt appointed by management on the seniority principle. The charge hand system is no alternative to a developed shop stewards system. Neither is the system which operates in some branches/lodges whereby the elected committee men divide responsibilities for shifts and faces between them. Every iace, every district, every shift, every grade should elect shop stewards to represent them. |

The stewards must be elected by the men. They must be elected as union officers. The lodge/branch committee shouid be formed as a committee of stewards co-ordinating their vigilance against the management. They will exercise their control over those whose facility times enables them to fight for the workers or becorne: distanced from them.

Branch/lodge meetings must be re-invigorated to draw in al? miners. Closures and dispersment have made it ali the more difficult ¥oANUM members to make it to weekend branch/lodge meetings. The committees must organise

ia convene branch/lodge meetings in NCB time a0 that they can genuinely involve The mass of the medbersnip. Each branch committee aust maintain a regular pit newspaper to explain branch policies, inform and educate the memders and organise debate on all questions of concern to the members.

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mass moveting is @ nial alercent in workers democracy. Decision on beof the jodge/branch should be taken by a shaw of hands after a free pen debate. Gaiy in this way ean workers decide to take action in tiie now lenge al who 2ise ts prepares to act and what the balance of forces Jn that way it is superior to the traditional bailot which should be dis-

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National strike cails shall be endorsed or rejected al mass meetings where hands can be counted and votes recorded as part of a national total. This should replace the system of ballot voting required under Rule 43. Thee must be no retum to work after a strike uniess if has majority support ‘at

mass meetings in the branch, region or entire membership affected by the Strike call,

All officials should be-elected by a show of hands at branch meetings. Tins should apply to national, area and branch officials. They should be cubject 10 immediate recall on the show of hands of a majority of those who once elected them. The recent change to Rule 1% makes compulsory re-election for officials every five years. This should be extended to ali officiais, not just those whe were elected after August 1983. It should be amended to give the members who elected thern the right of recail.

All officials should earn no more than the wages of a face worker. They should be barred from taking all other forms of empioyment {not just fram becoming MPs or paid government officials). We want no more company directors like Joe Gormley on the NUM‘s payroll,

The National Executive should be elected at the annual conference. Every branch must have delegates at conference in proportion to their. pit membership size. There should be no automatic piaces for the areas on the leadership. This should aiso apply to COSA and the Power Group which should have no rights to exist as separate areas within the NUM. All regional and branca organisation should operate with a system of common rules. No

area should have the right to refuse 10 implement national NUM policy.

No secret talks, na secret deals. All negotiations between NUM officiais ard the NCB must be conducted in the full sight of the membership. Gormicy used to meet Ezra and Ted Heath for private chats and deals. MacGahey, Heathfield and Scargil! have conducted negotiations with the NCB in secret _to the detriment of the momentum and confidence of the strike. They left

aad jn ee” the

the members in the dark as to prospects and direction of the dispuie. All talks must be Open.

The major advances secured by the MFGB and the NUM have been the work of unofficial rank and file organisation across collieries, areai and cud felds. That is the tradition of the unofficial Reform: Coramiitiee in Souta Wats,

‘the Miners Minority Movement of the 1920s and the Barnsley forure movsthent of the late. 1460s.

Gn the other baad open scabs and even facists have sought to organise in ihe union with intent to braka it. Spencer was quite rightly hounded out at. the MPGB in 1926, 80 too should every scab organiser today. The 1984 Spencerites must not be allowed to use the union's ‘resources to build thes : own scay outfit. That is why we are for driving them out of the unio » before they can do further damage in our ranks. AIl NUM officers who have scabbed on the 1984/5 strike and all those who have openly assisted the organised scabs of the National Working Miners Committee should be expelied from the union. They musi be debarred from future membership. The NCB must not be allowed to’empicy them in lirie with the NUM’s closed shop policy. TO

The new Rute 31_could prove a double _ edged sword.

‘li was proposed as a measure to discipline scabs but never

used against them in the strike, Scargill has ever: said he did not intend tu + use it. {n the hands of the officials, this rule, with its bar on bringing the union into disrepute and discussing union affairs with outsiders, can be used — apainst militants who justifiably criticise their own officers or, legitimately, discuss that criticism with other workers or with socialist organisations ‘outside’ the NUM ranks. Instead of Rule 51 we need co

* To discipline scabs with a rule that explicitly outlaws scabbing and organising with the bosses to destroy the union’s fighting strength. Such a cleat and unambiguous rule would defend the right of militants to organise, and ermpower the union to expel the scabs in a dispute. * To expel all facists from the NUM. The union must not allow this poison ous breed any platform for its racist and divisive campaigns. - : ;

N ue defend the right of black miners to caucus independently within the , JM 30 as iv formulate and fight for their demaads and interesis.

To defend the right of gay miners to caucus independently within the branch, area and national organisations of the NUM. | |

- 4%

-A democratic union is of no use unless it is tied to militant class struggle

policies..In order to finally root out the cancer of federalism and regional

_ Separatism the union must fight for a pay claim and.conditions of work that

lands.

that can unite the whole membership. This means: . | * Rin up the AIS, no more productivity dealing of any kind whatsoever. . ot a national wage for all miners equivalent to the highest bonus obtained in the industry. In Yorkshire, bonuses range from £16 to £103. Some Notts pits earn considerably more than Waies, Scotland and Durham. If the NCB ate. not going to divide pit against. pit and area against area then the incentive schemes must be scrapped now. If the militants had waged a war to stop Gormley and the right ignoring the national ballot rejection of the incentive scheme rather than looking to the courts for help, then the NCB would not have had the successes they have hav in scab-herding in the Mid- “No more overtime working. For a.full national wage with no bonus strings This would end the need of miners to supplement their earnings with overtime working, The abolition of overtime working by the NUM would force the NCB to employ more men and in that way, help thousands ieave the dole queues. a | , * Defend miners wages against inflation. For wages to rise automatically io

compensate 1%for each % increase in the cost of living. That cost of living

shall be calculated not on the basis of the government's figures but of a

workers: cost of living index which shall be worked out by committees of

rank and file miners and their wives in the mining communities.

* No loss of earnings for any miners who move j :bs, between pits or with-

ina pit because of redeployment or injury. Miners so moved must be gua-

ranteed the earnings of the job they were doing before injury or redeployment. oe

* Retirement for all miners at 50 on guaranteed full pay. This will help maintain the helath of those who have worked underground ‘and create jobs for the young and fit. |

* Safety must always corne before productivity. There must be elected

-- union safety inspectors on every shift. Proper toilet, washing and eating

facilities underground are necessary. Union safety inspectors must exercise control over oils, chernicals and noise levels.

* No more job losses. No collieries to close except with the agreement of the NUM. All jobs vacated by workers leaving the industry to be immediately filled.

* Workers control of the disposal and distribution of the new technology

14 :

and investment plans. Aiready in Nor th Derbyshire MINOShas haived the number of men deployed in conveying systems. The NCB has shed one worker on every face in the lust year. MINOS is being concentrated in the central coalfields preparatory ‘to further closures and and an assault on jobs — in Wales, Scotland, the North-East and Kent. If the ’new computer controlled mechanisms are not to further. divide the regions the union must assert its control over the deployment of the technologies against the | management.

Even the bosses press marvelled at the role of women within the strike. In their usual patronising way they expected that miners wives would ‘know

their place’, and that miners were just old fashioned male chauvinists who >

would not let their wives get involved. They were proved WIONg..

In all major miners struggles women have played a vital role in maintaining the strike. The organisations created by the wives in the 1984/5 strike must be maintained as permanent bodies with the official backing of the NUM. [n their turn they must reach out to other women workers in order to become the core of a mass working class womens movement.

* The wives organisation should have observer rights at NUM br anches and conferences. The NUM should assist by providing creche jacilities so that wives may attend meetings.

* They should have automatic rights to representation on sirike commilies during industrial action.

* They must be given Funds - with no strings - to maéinrain’ ‘theit organisa. tion.

* We are for the repeai of the pi ‘otective legislation that prevents women warking in the mines on the condition that “the urflion is strong enough to exercise control over management and improve safety and health standards as a resuli. The machinery and conditions can exist for women to work in the mines and rear children. This was not the case when the initial legislation passed constituted 4 protective gain for the working class. Neither were the ae uiners well cnough organised fo detend women miners, Any: attempt § to

The only guarantee of women’ 3 safety and health lies j in 1 ‘maintaining a union strong enough 10 protect and improve the conditions of all mineworkers. We are for the undoing of thé NUM/NCB agreements of the 1960s which served to force wornen out of surface Jobs. * The NUM must reorganise itself sO as tO ensure the maximum involvement of women mineworkers. This means holdine union meetings in work time,

providing creches to allow women to attend meetings and conferences. __

JAS

Women must have the rigi nt to caucus at all levels of the union so as to formulate and fight for { their demands and interests. A democratic women’s section must be formed, One miner told the union “if we are ight ting for jobs lets make them worth having”. Let that be so for women miners too!

“Se women and ali those women fi ighting to defend and exiend women’s sights aginst the bosses’ state,

The Nib must commit itselt itself to actively supporting the struggles of Orkin ;

Capitalism makes life a misery for millions of people. Not only dogs it cruatly exploit workers in the mines, factories and offices. it condemn millions of people to suifer the prejudices - against black péople, ; apainst young people, against gay peonte - thet it has nurtured over many year rS. Capitalism encourages workers to hate blacks or gays for one simple reason. it can divide the working class by these means. Divided along these tines we are weaker, less able fo wage a united fightback against capitalism’s attacks. We must combat ali forms of oppression and Gght | to rid ‘the MUM aad the labour movement as a wholt of all the poisonous preiudices that today weaken it.

The NUM has shown iself willing and able to lead a fight against oppression. At the 1984 Labour Farty conference, the NUM, unlike, most other unions, supported the format inn of black sections in the Parity, recognised t

need to give 2 voice, hitherto denied, to black peopie. In the’ strike itself th a NUM nas been mace sironger by the massive iavolvesnient af Young RuTeLs, It must go on 16 fight for full trade union and ooiitica! rights Tor all young workers, .

The NUM his also weleomed support it has recieved trot groups such as “Cay Men aad Lesbians, Support the Miners’. {t has found real allies in people who are branded by capitalism simply because of their sexual prejerences, Mining cormmmunities, ike Dulais, have welcomed visits fron: gays,and miners haye acdressed meetings oft gays. All of this marks tremendous progress in the NUM. It must be built upon.

Against racism the NUM must fight for: The repeal of al! racist tegislation including all immigration laws, the Nationality Act and the Police Bill.

* Opposition to the brutal campaigns of racist deportations being waged by the Tories.

* The right of black people to organise their own defence organisations, supported by the labour movement, against police and fascist attacks.

* For full equality of black people at work and in the unions - equal pay, positive discrimination uader union control te open up job/apprenticeship opportunities to black people. Black people must have the right to form caucus/sections in the unions and Labour Party to fight for these measures.

Against the oppression of youth the NUM must campaign actively for: * The extension of study/training facilities to all youth - financed by the government, controlled by the unions. | So

* Por deniocratic youth sections in the unions which should in no way restrict the full participation of youths in the union as a whole.

* For equal pay and equal rights at work for all young workers. 4 5 . ~ rs

* For the provision of confidential contraception and medical facilities fer youth. The age of consent (16) should be abolished. The state has no night io interfere with the sexual activities of young people.

Acainst the repression of gays the NUM must pledge support for the faliowing policies and fight for them throughout the labour movement:

* No discrimination in iobs, housing, child custody etc, 2n the grounds of sexu orientauicn. |

* Abolish the age of consent ; (currently 2! for gay men - lesbians gre not even recegnised in law, even though they are cruelly persecuted by capiratisni) * Defend gays against the constant police harassment they face in their communities, clubs and pubs. For gay self-defence, supported by the

‘abour movement, agairist police attacks and “queer bashers”.

* For a massive educational campaign in the NUM to explain gayness and eliminate the age old prejudices that exist.

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Nationalism divides workers of different countries, It helps the bosses get away with wars and slaughter in the name of the “national interest”, but

in fact only to line the pockets of the rich. Miners have no shared “national interest” with Maigaret Thatcher or lan MacGregor or any other member of the boss class. We have a thousand things in common with a German, French American or African worker. We are exploited by the same breed of parasites.

t7

Through their econamic summits, through NATO, the UN and such like the bosses build up international links. Take the steel industry. Through the Common Market the bosses of Europe met and planned the sacking of thousands of steelworkers in Belgium, France and Britain. The working

ns ree

nat tional unity,

(T he NUM should maintain the strongest links with those who have given support, especially with the rank and file workers. To make this effective the NUM should rid itself of ali nationalist policies, such as its endorsement of import controls, and the call to get Britain out of the Common Market. OF course, in a Strike you need to stop imports dead. But as well as the support of British dockers and seamen you also need the support of Polish miners and Dutch, Beigian, French, frish dockers and seamen. Import controis in the aands of the bosses could never save miners jobs. The cali for controls from the NUM weakens the union’s internationalism. Stripped of radical rhetoric it is a call for unity with British bosses in order to export unemployment. It is a call to save our jobs by sacking French workers. This will never save our jobs and will weaken ns for future struggles in which we will need the support of workers’ from other countmes.

As for the call to withdraw from the Common Market, it is a fantasy that this can help workers. [t is a diversion from the reality that in or Gut of the ELC the British bosses, not us, control our economy. In or out of the EEC Thatcher will still attack us. To suggest otherwise - as the call to withdraw does, implying Britain would be a better place out of the EEC - is to peddle a dangerous, nationalist illusion. .

The NUM must become a more active internationalist fighting force, helping other miners in struggle {in South Africa, for example). Miners have seen and felt the brutal armoury of the British state which was perfected and has been used for so long in Northern lreland. The NUM must come out openly for the immediate and unconditional withdrawl of British troops from ihe Six Counties and the open recognition of the Irish peopie’s right to nationa! unity. Likewise it must fight to force the bosses to withdraw the troops guarding their profits in every foreign base, including the Falklaads.

~ new as eee a

The NUM must defend the historic gain of the overthrow of capitalism in the USSR and other states ruled by Stalinist bureaucracies. It must actively _ oppose imperialism’s war drive against the Warsaw Pact. However it must also _ Support all working class struggles against bureaucratic oppression and privilege in those countires. There must be no more support for stooge state unions against independent working class organisations. Scargill was wrong | to have support Jaruzelski against the Polish workers. The Polish regime: repaid tha at ‘Support by scabbing on the miners strike.

-Intetnationalism is not ar Optional extra but is the heart and soul of the

an ;

class struggle. Thatcher tries to smear the NUM with iaking money from ‘enemy’ powers, The miners should say, “The workers of every co suniry ©

are our allies. We welcome their assistance. Our ‘enemy’ is Thatcher and her class in Britain and the whole world,” |

The To ory government is set on chaining the unions through laws that make — | _ them liable for damages for strike action and allow the courts to steal their funds, to intervene in disputes and hamper their rights to keep political BES fuads. The miners have had to learn this fact through bitter experienciz. So - ‘too have Austin Rover. workers and NGA. The miners must spearhead a working class offensive to Gesircy these laws which are a central weapon in the bosses arsenal toda}

~The Tory trade union laws have been backed by the creation of 2 national drilled police force which has launched attack after attack on she miners picket lines. Nationally and at @ local level the NUM must create its own workers defence/picket line defence guard. The fittest and rnost able young miners must be reguiarly drilled and trained to defend, their union against police and army attack,

In the face of police attacks the strike picket line is hard to defend ana maintain. Against seabs and the scab leaders the NUM must adopt the tac tic of colliery occupation, turning every pithead f inte a detended fortress against the police and scabs.

The NUM MUSE continue to refuse to recognise the arith. union courts and. the ‘justice’ handed cut by the dedicated Tory class warrior who are appointed as judges. But it must also fight to smash these laws. This means mobilising the entire working class into all out action to destroy these laws. A General Strike to smash the anti-uaion flaws. The long remembered exuerience of the 1926 betrayal has led miners to be traditionally suspicious of the General strike slogan and, in particular of demands on the TUC to cail such action. But te calf on thern to do noth ing. or to allow them toc onduct solidarity action, as the MUM leaders have done. only leaves them free vo use the entire machinery of the workers movement, its funds and resources . It leaves thern free to capitulate and betray. We need the machinery of the dabour mavemeni to work for us and we must fight the TUC chiefs for contral over if, Bo .

While we call for the TUC to lead we do not wait passively for them to act.

We must organise our fellow workers to get them to force their leaders rs into action, or fight to repiace them if they will not, to link up. with ali warkers

AS.

jn to force the TUC into action. In this way we can so organise to event the TUC selling out the General strike in the way they did tn 226. This means telling workers not to wait for the TUC’s strike call. A wave o strikes is the surest way of forcing: the leaders to act. It means building , councils of workers delegates to co-ordinate the strike at a local and nation level. It means creating a national council of action, based on the rank an

- file, with full negotiating rights. “ | shoved the General Strike weapon poses acutely the question of which clase will rule in society. Picket lines must be defended, factories _ occupied and supplies maintained. The TUC leaders now, as then, will runja: mile at the sight of such a battle: Our job will be to mobilise, ing oF ek class to develop the organs of power that can stop them betraying or, repjacing them immediately they look like doing so. Such erganisations an Th mobilisations can go on to break the power of the capitalists for ever. They

“can open ‘the road to the revolutionary conquest of political power by a ‘working class organised, armed and led by a revolutionary patty willing to see the fight through to the end. —

The MFGB was the first union to win seats in Parliament. However, it made a terrible error. Whilst on matters connected with the miners these MPs defended miners’ interests, on all other questions they were members of the openly: capitalist Liberal Party. In 1909 the MEGB was at last won to ‘independent labour’ representation and its 16 MPs joined the Parliamentary

Labour Party. Since then, the miners’ unions have helped buiid and fund the Labour Party.

fn 1945 there were 39 NUM sponsored Labour Parliamentary candidates. Yet, as a party committed to managing the capitalist system and securing, if possible, reforms to the advantage of the working class within that system it has proven a bitter foe of the miners. In fact, miners’ devotion to it has . allowed that party to carry through a programme of closure and speed-ups on behalf of the bosses that have been resisted less because they have been pushed through by the party that the miners have traditionally looked to as theirs. Even now, Don Concannon,who wanted to offer a Nottinghamshire . break away union Labour Party affiliation, and Roy Mason have retained their NUM sponsorship while pursuing vicious anti-working class policies against the workers of Britain and Heland.

In our view the Labour Party is wedded lock, stock and barrel to the main-

tenance of the capitalist system. This system must intensify the exploitation of the miners if that system is to survive and flourish. No wonder then that

— 20

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We believe that only a new revolutionary party will meet the needs of the great batiles of ihe 1980s. Bui we also recognise that many, indeed most

militants stilt have hopes that the Labour Party can be altered or trans formed in some wuy, We are not sectarians wno want to stand aside from these struggles, io miners who are Labour Party merabers or who, despite the real evidence of its treachery in the sinke, stil! wish to join it in order 1 chauge i. we proposes a course of action which can both put te the test their own project and build up ‘the political organisations which, if we are right, can ba the basis. for a new revolutionary workers party.

What should the national umien and ifs branches do to forward this process? First ut all, the silence with regard to the Labour leadership's scabbing rule

in the strike should be ended. Tens of thousands of affiliated union members. and constituency members are as full of hatred of Kinnock.as are the miners themselves. Onty Denis Skinner half-voiced that anger. An open statement by the union we sud give a iead io the rank and file to censure and remove tre traitors. The union should fight to ensure that:

* So sponsored MP should reesive more than the wage of 4 skilled mines.

Any sucpiis on the MP's saiary must go directly to the NUM § fighting fund.

* Any NUM Sponsored MP shall be instantly recallable should they support or act on behalf of, policies detrimental to the interests of the working cass.

* On every occasion that the leadership opposes the fight for the interests

of tha working class anwlimn 8 - then the NUM sponsored MPs and the ‘friends of the miners’ shall immediately oppose them by chailenging the _ leadership with an alternative candidate and programme to the official — leadership. This is the least we could have expected from Skinner and Benn ai the 1884 couterence of the Labour Party. The NUM shall have no : ‘special’ relationship with the Labour Party leaders, in power or out.:

* The MUM et every level - from lodge to NEC - must deploy its forces alongside other militant workers’ organisations to commit any future Labour Government to measures which set out to solve the capitlaist crisis at the cost of the capitalist class.

We should tight to ensure thatit:

i; e “Immediately, nationalises the banks and finance houses with ao compen- -$ation. it should nationalise all key sections of industry under workers’

3 control and with no compensation for the bosses.

* ‘Disbands the police and armed forces, making arms available to an armed ‘workers’ militia under the contro! of the trade unions.

* Repeals the anti-union laws and racist immigration laws.

* Withdraws British troops fron Ueland immediately aad leaves NATO.

capitalists az Be put thet: One-time property te WGrK it : 1 rec

a planns i ogmising workers’ contra: of the * Tmraedigiely reastiongises: ali sections af indusiry orly atised b by fhe Tories. [igs is vitalin the mines now, with MacGreeor an = hosses | HMaicial papers apemy talking abou sailing off pre fable mines in big: business and unprofitable ones to....the miners! We must fight pnvaistiion | aow, Mov because the NCU is “socialist” put as a meens of “Forcing the enue | capitalist cigss tg tuke responaibility for maintaining the jobs of ali miners. Labour must proiuse io renationalise any pits privatued and should declare they will cuncel NCE debts, aationalise the industry’s maior suppliers acu! distibution agencies and place the ingustry uncer workers’ control That will Open Che way to a coal industry organised and run to meet human” REG

ly a Labour government were to meet the needs cf miners and the rest of rs

the working class it would have fa bas cir ectly responsible to the cegars of s

it would Asyé to mai nial anu sustain

(fF on the strengetin of and be

weated Dy tie worning class. ne workers’ defence guards ans dis-

band the police and win over the anny from its upper-class officors aad generals.

We Show be clear Troia the outset that the first step along wnat pate takext

by an elected Labour government woul meget vicious rulling class ‘extra patiiamentary opposition”. Neil Sinnock” ‘peloved legality would prove 4 droken reed in days

We do not belleve that the Labour Party, even with 200 Denis Skins MiGTS OF Tony Bonns, woud be sufficient to break the power of Britain's capitalist

siass. That power Hes not in Parhament but in the ownershio and manageiment r the Banks , industry and Commerce. Whilst this enormous ° aceumulation of wealth i, Produced by the workine class past and presen! is in ineir hands, planning for human need, including ‘plans for coal’, is an impossibility. This enormous wealth cannot De BO ught u ip piccemecl, i can only be seived. But ef any Labour Government tried to do 0 fand it never hast} it would be smas shed by the guardian of capitalist wealth, the capitalist state. Miners have seen a farge part of it in action , the bureaucracy that administers the starvation of striking workers families; the jadges who toot the union funds; the police who arrest and bludgeon unarmed pickets. This state is a powerful guardian. It cannot be broken by elections or parliamentary votes, li cannot be broken by strikes or trade union action alone either. But it can and avast be broken if we are te win through to total victory for the whcle working class. it can be broken by the revolutio onery action of millions of workers, politically and militarily armed for the task,

owe want 4 piasstedd ¢ ONG Hy with jobs for ai but with steadily reducing | working tires. ii we wsat io obliterate peverty, bad housing, il health, Ciime at nome and work, io abolish Starvation end disease. in the “Phisd World’, then we must be "ag serious about the offensive political strungiie as the defensive | trade union ous. Indeed we caust link up and 2x ‘ee Srey

defensive st uge: einty a new tnrust lor ¥ | working cass power and socialism. For his we will need a pes w pt ogramme and a freak with the me ibeds Gp Labour. Let us beg ein the task now!

ad EY

24

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