April special: Break the Contract Now!

BREAK CON - _ TRACT NOW !

egy for making the workers pay the cost of the crisis. ~ In the present period of increasing militancy, however, the Working class is presented with another

; The Last two months have been

. marked by a rise in militancy throughout the working class. Dockers, miners,engineers, teachers, publicsector workers, have all taken ac-

i i — false unity. The unity tion against the savage attacks made danger fal ;

by gate lit class Labou which says, ‘don t fight yet, wait Government. for everybody else.’ This is the voi-

ce that calis for weak-kneed protest when the need is for direct attack _ on the bosses, the voice that says pressure on Heffer and company

is the way forvard, even though, time and again, they have voted

for the governments eAglicics

Throughout the country workers have staged demos, occupations and strikes against different aspects of the attack — jobs, wages, equal pay, hospital closures and educ:tor cuts,

This mounting resistance, ir

break the Social Contract NOW, not waiting passively to see what phase three will look like.

The trade union leaders are sol-

\ idly in support.of the contract, wor-

Fers who chailenge it can look for st. “port only to other rank and file wo:.sers. The support they need is t,at of direct action in solidarity jvith their fight. The organisation wf effective blacking, sympathy

( strikes, mass picketting and finan-

cial support will only be done by « aanised rank and fiJe workers, “he recent increase in miiitancy

5 sn fe ls upsegheinened “erlined not only the deterparticular the strike in the Ley- ~~“ y—>™s is the va'y= ™ Ke stion and i tametinal:eame has placed aa’ Pte ams Nas Dis — ficials and represent- —. re PA sat ure suits, rtage ot af CS ———#ival on a further round of att- ana as ee averiestces vee ae ude acks on the working class and the class. This meanst4®}_abour \_aild Shotg yi Bene Ts forc- =i-racist com- he stru: ~ “ght for:~ y,

LABOUR

hans Labour Government was greet-< ed with unconcealed joy by the erfployers and their press. Ene Stock exchange bounced up again. The Times and the Financial Times sighed with relief,

The employers and bankers are sure that the Labour Government offers them the best prospects of further cuts in real wages and workers living standards. And they are sure that the trade union leaders will heed the lessons of the ‘vote of confidence’ and buckle under rather than face the fall of the Callaghan government,

Thats why the Times could editorialise Callaghan’s victory thus:

“A Labour Government stands the better chance of reaching an accomodation with the unions and there will be less political and economic dammage if it is such a government that fails” and the Financial Times could gloatingly declare: “The narrowness of the margin by which the Government has just avoided a general election and a possible defeat, indeed may well help to concentrate the minds of union leaders on the need to work more vigorously for an acceptable Phase 3 formula.”

The Employers and bankers, national and international, have pinned their strategy of attacking workers living standards and organisation

.on the Labour Government. After the mauling recieved by the Tory Government at the hands of the working class, the bosses have looked to the Labour Government, its special relationship with the trade union leaders, to bail them out,

The Labour Government, the TUC, have proved the most faithful of servants, We all know how workers real wages have dropped by

made a deal with the Powellites and Liberals to carry it through.

The Trade Union leaders’ readiness to accept this is proved, if further proof were needed, by Scanlon’s strike-breaking tactics in Leyland. oa

The militancy of the working class is, as yet, unfocuseed against che bosses’ Labour Governemnt,

“Grr etion fights for what it sees.as its inter>sts, other sections ~ for theirs. The established leader-

ship in the unions , from the socalled Lefts Scanlon and Jones to the blatant right-wingers, work overtime to strengthen this tendency to division in the class. The interests of public sector workers are presented as the opposite of those in ‘productive’ industry. The skilled are set against the unskilled,women against men, black against white,

The continuation of this dis- ~seeelecentral to the bosses strat-

4 ‘

feriew: th

sbrahe

“ a

e all know that the social and welfaré ices have been pillaged and slashed. -the trade union lead-

ers have accepted this — in the name of the Social contract’ — rather than risk bringing down the Labour Government,

But the employers clearly doubt the ability of the Labour Government to sell another round of wage cuts, Not because the Labour Government or trade union leaders are unwilling, But because they will not be able to hold back the mounting tide of working class militancy and anger. That's why the bosses want to use the ‘confidence’ vote as a warning to the trade union leaders, Their class consgious message is clear ,... accept another round of wage cuts or we’ll boot out the Labour Government.

The employers know that if a Labour Government can’t hold the fort for them then new methods will be needed to attack the working class. They know their alternative is an unleashed Thatcherite Tory Government; they prefer to use this as a Scarecrow to put the trade union leaders to flight,

The Labour Government has shown its willingness to play the tune called by the bosses, Its elect-! ion manifesto contained no effective answer to the problems workers face, With mounting inflation, bd crumbling social services and swelling dole queues, they offered a partial extension of state control within the bosses economy, inadequate proposals for maintaining social services savaged by inflation and ‘fine phrases’ about shifting the balance

of wealth,

Any parts of this manifesto unpalatable to the banks and corporat ions at a time of stagnation and

> the a0 ial rs — Gry ~ re overcoming disunity,.and devel-: a \t. + 2 4 Pass < gg a VeSUNT, ABRSUS 5 oping solidarity with those in struggle

)“Uirvival depends /OH more attacks

The vote of ‘confidence’ in Callag-( 10% under the Labour Government.

OUT NOW workers power 4

ARTICLES ON: THE EARLY YEARS OF THE BOLSHEVIK PARTY, THE COMINTERN THESES ON WOMEN, THE SOCIAL CONTRACT

IRELAND, EASTERN EUROPE, REVIEWS OF LUXEMBURG ON NATIONALISM AND THE IMG ON FIGHTING THE CUTS _ #RICE 35P

is to put their diplomacy with the Left wing architects of the Social Contract before the needs of the class.

The working class will get nothing from phase three or from relying on the ‘Lefts’ who have neither the backbone nor the desire to upset the parliamentary applecart.

ed to take a lead in calling a national conference of shop stewards against the Social Contract.

In their search for a ‘British’ road to socialism through parliament, the CP stakes everything on trying to persuade the Labour and trade union ‘Lefts’ to their point of view. The furthest they want to go is to use the rank and file as a stage army in their protests. This is why last year’s Labour Assembly on Unemployment came to nothing, why the Liaison Committee has no independent existence and why the CP sees no further than a day of protest on April 20th. :

The April 3rd conference brings together a large number of shop-floor leaders. Such a body has the weight in the class that could lead a determined and on-going attack on the Social Contract.

Far from limiting itself to resolutions and declarations the conference needs to issue a call for the formation of local rank and file committees. Such committees are needed to organise strike action for April 20th., active support for workers in struggle against the Social Contract and to formulate local claims that break the contract. Eocal rank and file (groupings, made up of irefvigual pore.

, han ava NA A en ~ ...And what is it that has upset the 4 Lac wwe . pee waves ran poi a principles? Ts it Catlaghan’s offer of two more battalions of British troops to prop up the Orange sectarian

state in Northern Ireland? Is it the expressed intention of Callaghan to stand or fall on a further round of Wage restraint? No. The fire of these ‘rebels’ has been saved for a chauvnist campaign against direct elections to the European Parliament, | for a campaign to preserve the imagined sovereignty of the Parliament within which they are trapped,

The Callaghan government has openly staked its future on further attacks on workers living standards and organisations, Its deal with the Liberals guarantees such policies to the employers. The trade union leaders have made it clear that they put the maintanence of a Labour Government whatever its policies, before the defense of workers wages, services and conditions,

The working class ~-veinent icy

Our policy has to be :- all out support for all sections fighting the sociai contract. Build local rank and file vommittees to link up the different unions and industries and organise strike action for April 20th. For direct action against wage-cuts, public service cuts

- and redundancies.

by the deal arranged by the Cabinet and the Liberal Party,”

These same lefts have voted for successive rounds of attacks on our living standards, They have voted ‘confidence’ in this anti-working class, class government, While the rightwingers Walden, Prentice and McIntosh have been prepared to stand by their loyalty to the employers to to the point of bringing down the Government, while they have openly fought for anti-working class policies, the left have cringed before

« every attack,

€ essential prs

The logic of the CP’s policy.

crisis have been dropped. Whether Or not the Callaghan Government dealt with the Liberals, it had only one policy ,..., Staggering on trying to solve the bosses crisis zt the workers expense; a series of short term measures to prop up British capitalism, That’s why Callaghan ould claim of his deal with the Liberals:

“no party principles or policy committ ments have been abandoned”,

‘But the deal with the Liberals i means one thing for the employers, (Continued on Paya 2) \ It means that they can guarantee the fall of Callaghan and Co should the Labour Government yield to any pressure from the labour movement,

The Labour lefts have whimpered their unhappiness with the deal, Eric Heffer is so upset he says the deal can only be of a short term character, Ian Mikardo complains of “a further and serious strain on the loyalty of very many supporters” The Tribune group voted with the Government, voted for a Lib-Lab government, whiie wanting “to make it absolutely clear that in do- : ing so we are not bound in any way _.

"which

Defeatin

The parliamentary crisis of the last few weeks has left us with a Labour Government openly dependent on a bourgeois party for support in continuing its anti-working class polcies, One might have expected the ghosts of Ramsay Macdonald,Philip Snowden and Jimmy Thomas — the worthies of the ‘Great Betrayal’ of 1931, to be seen walking abroad.

In fact what strikes the eye are the dissimilarities between 1931 and 1977, Today the Labour Government has already watched unemployment double, It has already cut

5.75% off the 1977/8 social spending figures and promised a 1u) ther 8% off the 1978/9 programme. It has already deliberately cut takehome pay by over 3% in the last year. It has done all this with the almost unanimo s consent of the entire Trade Union leadership. Indeed, it could not have done it Without their support. Individual leaders, Fisher, Scanlon, Benn and Heffer have protested’ against this or that ‘o'ttrage’ but none of them

~ has ded’an all out attack on the

whole policy.

defeat

Meanwhile the demoralisation and disintegration of the Labour Party’s activists and voting base has c mtinued apace. In Scotland, a traditional bulwark, Labour is poised for a massive defeat at the hands of the Nationalists, Massive abstentions are likely in a future general elec t ion, Not since the 30's has the Labour Party had so few enthusiastic and active supporters at the grass roots or in the leadership of the day to day struggles of the class. Despite this within the traditional split of British reformism between the ‘economic’ and ‘political’ arenas, the Lab our Party still dominates th latter. The working class moveme

ashed the Tories’ freeze, Ca freed the Pentonville Five and finalllt sent Heath packing in 1974, has suffered two years of reverses inflicted by the Labour Government/TUC alliance.

The long term and deepening natu ure of the crisis of British capitalism poses ever more sharply the need for a new leadership to replace not only the trade union bureaucrats but also the present “political” leaders. This raises the question of the Labour Party — can it be transformed into a weapon for the work-

p nathentarians, offers them the supportin the Trade"Unions and the=*~ factories that the ‘Lefts’ have nev- © er dared to build. The CP’s strat-

gy (now 25 years old jis to provide ‘the movement outside parliameat that can keep up press-

ure to produce a ‘Left Government’ that is, a government of

the Labour Left and Communist MP's,

Gg Labourism]|

the key to

in comparison to the ‘defeated Jenkins‘ and Prentices',

Yet in the recent crisis it was the right-wingers who stood their ground against the Government while Heffer and company could only mo uth the feeblest of pro-* tests. Why is this?

The right wing of the Labour Par ty rests squarely on the shoulders of the class enemy, that is their source of strength. The ‘Lefts’, however, are frightened to develop their only potential source of strength — the self activity of the working class in the fight against the Government's policies, In the last analysis they are more frightened of the power of the working class than of the bosses, They are terrified that the whole parliamentary house of cards would tumble down around them if workers faced the bosses

in open class battle,

In that situation neither the

bosses nor the workers would have any need of the services of these negotiators. Tied to Parliament and the parliamentary party they can do nothing that might rock the boat in which they sit. Their agonised cries spring from the realisation that a party that poses as the party of social reform but systematically destroys the past gains of the working class is doomed to desertion by the very Masses who brought it to power,

Pressure

these par-

Itag the weakness

The bankruptcy of this st-

rategy is amply demonstrated by the contrast between its parliam-

entary dimension (no Communist MP’s, no increase in strength to the Left MP’s) and the fact that it was Communist militants who led the great battles from 1968 to 1974, Despite their leadership in these battles they were robbed of the fruits of victory by having to channel the strength of

ing class or must it, and can it, be replaced?

One of the ironies of the present situation is the sharp contrast between the formal and actual relationship of forces in the Labour Party. ~y The ‘Lefts: with a majority on

the NEC, with conference decisjon galore behind them and powerful friends in the Trade Union leaderships, appear very powerful

Continued from page one

LABOUR

faced with a clear choice, Accept cuts and defeat or face a new, probably Tory, anti-working class government,

Our answer must be equally clear, We will not sacrifice our living standards or organisations to any cepitalist government, We must organise now, independent of the Labour and trade union leaders to maintain and defend our living standards, When the Labour Government falls because the working class refuses to accept anti-working class policies, then the responsibiity must be laid clearly at the door of the trade union sand Labour leaders, The workers move= ment must organise now to break the anti-working class Social Contract. Only on this basis can we develop and streng-hen the organisation to fight the employers attacks

which ever party is chosen to deliver them in the future.

the movements in behind the Trade Union and Labour Party leaders.

Fighters

Increasing numbers of militants are having to face two facts, Firstly, that the Labour Party is a bosses party in all respeds's other than its electoral support of millions of workers organised through the unions. Secondly , that the life and death struggles. of the coming years will necessitate not only the total transformation of the unions into fighting organisations, but also the creation of a new political party embracing the most conscious fighters in the factories, offices, docks etc. The way forward cannot be a matter of muddling through with the Labour Party as it is or might be. The struggles ahead mean that either the working class creates a new party and renews the unions or it will surely lose the ones it has under the hammer blows of reaction.

Whilst many thousands of militants are being forced to

victory

these conclusions, for many members of the existing parties the answers are more difficult to come by,

The answer of the two largest groups to the Left of the CP, the WRP (ex-SLL) and the SWP (ex-IS) is to proclaim the alternative, engage in feverish jen se ae ll and partial slogans ( e.g. the Righ! Right to Work) and wait for or workers, turning away from the reformists in disgust, to recognise them as the alternative.

Grip This strategy is doubly useless. On the one hand, through ever more sectarian and pointless party-building campaigns it burns out the enthusiasm of the~ those workers jt attracts. At the same time it leads such workers” away from the need to fight, alongside reformist workers, for a revolutionary strategy and tactics in the immediate struggles the class, Only such a fight will build a movement which, thro mass direc laction.¢an break

a P

‘Right to Work Cam ‘National Rank and Filejgives’ » ment’ and the ‘All Trade iedustry Alliance’ lies not, as the weakjum Ve ; ed claim, in their militancy, off r unofficial nature, butin their) it ity to rally militants around gcur ing strategy irrespective ofeartY label. N\ ae

Rhetoric >

Instead of winning these recruits « away from Reformism (not just from a reformist party) these groups simply require ultra militant reformism decked out in rhetoric about Socialism and Socialist Policies.

This mechanical, abstract and therefore, sec triam approach to the need for a new leadership is one pole of the “Trotskyist” movement, At the other are those like the “Militant” grouping in the Labour Party who reduce the revolutionary programme to a set of parliamentary measures like ‘‘nationalising the 250 monopolies."" For them the task of building a revolutionary alterna-

tive to reformism is reduced to transforming the Labour Party by kicking out the right wing.

New Party

The fight for a new party — a revolutionary party is the central task in the years ahead. It is a fight against the reformist leaders who at present mislead the vast majority of British workers.

It isa fight to win workers who still put faith in these leaders, to the strategy and tactics of direct ac ton, that can win the immediate battles of the class against the collaborationism of the Trade Union and Labour Party leaders. Only by winning workers to a revolutionary programme in these battles will the new leadership of the class be assembled. This m€ans

A new period of crisis has opened for world capitalism which sharply affects major capitalist countries. Revolutionary situati ons have developed in Europe for the first time since the aftermath of the Second World War, In Spain and Portugal today the working class is faced with the task of taking power into its hands. In Italy, France and Britain the working class is faced with struggling to avoid a capitalist solution which will mean the loss of most of its social gains and the weakening of its class organisations,

; Britain, although still a major link in the chain of world capitalism is a particularly weak one suffering : chronic decline, The world and British crisis throws the working class movement into a profound crisis of leadership. In Britain the first thrusts of the ruling class attacks on the labour movement —in 1969, In Place of Strife, in 1972, the Industrial Relations Act and in 1974, the Phase 3 of the Incomes Policy — were beat-

en off and a Tory Government driven

enfrom office by rank and file mil-

itancy. However, there remained ach chronic dislocation between the eco economic strength and militancy of the working class and its political weakness.

The post 1974 Labour Government, in alliance with the trade unjon bureaucracy, has managed to claw back most of the gains of 1974.

has gone onto the offensive again-

st the conquests of the past 25 years

in terms of wages, social services and employment, The crisis facing workers is not simply one of organisation. It is centrally on of strategy and tactics.

The traditional goals and methods of strugale, the sectUs Steapfrog-

a] —_

_-a$ pure propaganda for _4sm’ adaquate to the living struggle which is adequate to the sharply felt needs of millions of workers and their families, Only around such a programme can organisations of struggle develop which will not collapse when faced with the existing leaders of the working class movement, Only , around such a programme can the fiecessary forces be mobilised to provide a workers answer to the crisis. This answer is necessarily a Goyernmental answer. It must be a programme cna gramme for depriving the bosses and their agents not simply of parliamentary office but of controls over the real state forces — the army, the bureaucracy and the economy. This transformation is not a matter of taking over the existing machinery of class rule, but of breaking it up and replacing it with democratic mass organs of working class power. It means convincing millions of workers, at each stage of the struggle, that is an unescapable necessity.

fighting alongside those who have illusions in the possibility of reforming the Labour Party _ or simply replacing corrupt union officials, and thus putting these Jeaders to the test of action on the key needs of the masses of workers This means not just ‘putting demands’ in an abstract fiterary sense, ina leaflet or a weekly paper..It means organising a movement for these demands — in the Trade Unions, on the factory floor, In the local Labour Party prganisations, where workers have the strength to hold their leaders to account, to replace them, to creat an organised alternative. Out of those militants who realise the need for this strategy the kernel of the cadre of a party capable of replacing the labour Party will be built.

A programme for action mus! start from the existing fronts where workers are fighting the c: italist offensive. We need a pre gramme of central goals of strug; which is adequate to the sharply felt needs of millions of workers and their families.

Break the TUC/Government

shackles, An immediate and-unce ditional return to free collective t gining. Active support for all wor ers whose claim breach the Social Contract, Break the contract now don’t wait for the Phase 3 negotiation.

AGAINST INFLATION

The working class must not pay fc inflation. Lump sum increase: now to compensate for two years of wage cuts. Garunteed monthly rises equivalent to the ris in the cost of living to workers anc their families, Committees of hous Wives and Trade Unionists must be formed to calculate a real workers cost of living index as against the phoney retail price index. A national minimum wage of £55 | week take home pay. Garunteed

eof te Niles etl lay-off pay for all wer ipulaid

“f£by disputes, —

Se EVES _otkers for preventing the ers opening up divisions between stronger‘and weaker groups of wor kers. While we demand that this po licy be adopted at national level, by the T.U.C. and by the Labour leaders we must not wait for them to act. These demands must be fought for at a plant and local level by direct action whatever the posit iorrof the Trade Union and Laboui leaders.

AGAINST THE CUTS The working class must not pay

for the employers crisis with declir ing standards of health, welfare, housing and education, Already those standards are woefully inade quate. Neither must the employers and the Labour Government be all allowed to open up divisions in the working class between workers in. the public and private sectors, Direct action to refuse to umplement the cuts. No covering for unfilled vacancies, no Trade Union acceptance of deteriorating conditions or increase workload, Direct action in the workplaces, where the cuts are intended for implementation holds the key to building a fight against the cuts, Build local trade union based com mittees against the cuts.} They must draw in not only'public sect Trade Unionists, They must draw in women’s organisations (most in portantly Working Womens Chart Groups), trade unions from the _. manufacturing industries; immigrant organisations, Labour Party and Youn Socialist branches, Build a movement that can go beyond protests. Nationalisation of banks and finar ance houses with out compensation. Cancel the crippling debts of the local autho! ties to the banks and finance hou without compensation. Restore all cuts in Social'spendin; For a programme of socially usefi public works under Tkade union control,

GRAMME ~ ACTION

to extend and

develop the hopelessly inadequate social and welfare services, and to provide jobs, Hospitals, nurseries, schools, housing, public transport are all areas of immediate need.

We demand the nationalisation with no compensation of all industries necessary to carry this out e.g.

__-—— the construction industry, the drugs

industry.

THE FIGHT AGAINST UNEM-

PLOYMENT * .

The trade union and Labour leaders

have stood by passively while the

employers have created an army of

unemployed numbering over 1.5

million. The employers will attempt

to use the threat of the dole queue to discipline those in work, They will try to set the unemployed against the trade union movement.

The fight against redundancy is

a fight to chanllenge the employers

right to deploy labour, to organise

production as they choose,

We must therefore fight for:

* Work or Full Pay. Alternative work or maintenance, both at equivalent take home pay rates for all the unemployed.

* Cut the hours not the Jobs. Foie, — ———— ——S e io

it a luss ur pay, to force the emptc, ers to take on new labour. An immediate end to productivity dealing. * Arm the shop floor against the bosses plans. Direct action to abolish business secrecy. Open the books, records, boards and committees to workers inspection, Direct action to stop closures, Occupations to sieze factories and plant in all firms declaring redundancies. Occupations to demand nationalisation with nocompensation and under workers’ control of all firms announcing sackings. Trade union organisation of the unemployed. All unions to register the unemployed, to grant full membership rights. Particular at-

—tention must be paid to a trade

<=

ae intitle!

union campaign amongst unemployed youth — if the labour movement fails to mobilise the anger of the unemployed youth, to lead a real fight on their be half then the racists and fascists stand to make gains among these workers. BUILD A UNITED WORKING CLASS OFFENSIVE Sections of the working population, particularly women and blacks, have been treated with indifference or hostility by the babour movement. The employers will seek to widen and use these divisions in the work- ~&ss Movement, We need policies and action to stop them, This means the trongly organised mobilising in supor of the self activity of particularly oppressed groups of workers. * Women have been particularly hard hit by the cuts and unemployment. Theirs are often the first jobs to go; cuts in welfare and nursery provision force an increasing burden on women. For a Woman’s Right to Work. We must actively oppose the ‘women out first’ call encouraged by the bosses and many trade union leaders, * Equal Pay Now! Full support

from rank and file trade unionists for women workers in struggle.

* Free Abortion and Contraception on demand.

* For union meetings in worktime and for creche facilities to enable women to attend, for women’s caucuses in the unions.

* For Unity between Service and Manufacturing Workers!

Healey and Scanlon are openly trying to drive a wedge for the : employers between the unions in the public sector and those in manufacturing industry. All workers rely on the services provided by the workers of the public sect: or. A cut in social expenditure is : a direct attack on the living standards of all workers, We must campaign in the manufacturing unions for support for a all struggles against the cuts in welfare and social spending. We must campaign amongst public sector workers against all forms of iv comes policy and wage re * Drive Out the Racists! From the fascists

SJ

a5 2M Grnntto tho rtage of house -ymptoms of capitalism in bour

movement based anti-racist committees must be built to fight for: No Platform for Fascists. ‘~ Racists Out of the Labour Movement.

Trade union support for black self-defense against Police and rac ist thuggery and the right of black workers to caucus in the

trade unions, ag

THE WORKING CLASS AN NATIONALIS M =.9o

The working class will never be able to fight effect ively for its own freedom while remaining silent over the question of the British ruling classes oppression of other nationalities. We demand the immediate end of the vicious policy of national oppression being implemented by the British Army in treland, We are for the immediate withdrawl of all British troops from Northern Ireland recognising the right of the Irish people as a whole to determine their own future. We are for the release of all Irish prisoners of war held in the UK or in Ireland and the immedlated , unconditional repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act.

But the Labour movement must fight to prevent the splitting of the Scots, Welsh and English working class. We must oppose vigorously the threats to that uhity posed by the nationalists and by those chauVinist Labour ‘Lefts’, who actually strengthen nationalism by their attempts to bloc a referendum in Scctland and Wales. We must recognise the democratic right of the Scots and Welsh to self determination up to and including complete separation. But we must campaign vigorously to argue that the interests of Scots and Welsh workers do not lie with either independence or parliamentary devolution arrangements. Against these we do not pose the sovereignty of the British Parliament. We pose a united offensive of all workers to solve the crisis at the expense of the employing class.

FOR THE FIGHTING INDEPEND

ENCE OF THE TRADE UNIONS To weaken the ability of workers to

ers to resist the bosses’ offensive, at-

tempts to incorporate shop floor organisation via participation will coexist with the use of legal and physical coercion against workers in struggle. Against the ‘participation schemes’, ‘conciliation and arbitration tribunals’ and all the legal shackles of the bosses state, we fight for the complete independence of the union unions,

* Against ‘participation’ schemes designed to make shop floor re presentatives co-responsible for management decisions dictated by the bosses , we fight for real democracy in the factories, ie the right of the majority to decide; workers control. To begin with this should mean:

Workers Inspection — open the management books, committees and offices to unfettered inspection by shop floor delegates and any ‘experts’ they may appoint to assist them.

Workers control of hiring and firing; of production schedules, of the speed and intensity of work and the hours worked.

No trade union co-operation with

Incomes policy. No recognition of

of anti-trade union laws or legal

. decisions. Workers defence against picket busting squads. Repeal of all laws ’ against picketing and occupation. “PUT THE UNIONS.CN A WAR FOOTING _

The labour movement must be transformed if we are to defeat the bosses attacks. We must build working class organisation that can draw

pnasses of workers into active struggle. “ Democratise the Labour Move- «ment: Alll officials and representives in the trade unions and in ShougParty to be stibject and ifistant

\_aild Shop-floor Organisation. In

he struggle for control against al the employers the strengthening \_ of shop floor organisation is vital.

,, Where feasible we are for work- \ place trade union branches with »branch meetings in working time. Shop floor organisations will / bear the’brunt of the struggle against thi> employers. We are for shop steward committee representation on Trades Councils and in local Labour Parties,, * We campaign for:

A shop stewards committee in

every workplace. For effective

combine committees in every

combine. For industrials unions

and amalgamation. For lay demo-

cratic union conferences .. , . all

decisions binding on the officials, ‘* Fora National Rank and File

Unity Against the Offensive,

* For a National Shop Stewards

Movement, ;

THE LABOUR GOVERNMENT

We face a Labour Government

acting for the bosses and forced to rey on the junior Tories (the Liberals) to carry on with its anti-working class policies. We fight to defeat these attacks. To hold back on any struggle in order to Preserve the Labour Government's ex istence is self-defeating. (f the Government falls in defence of the bosses measures that is its responsibility. However we do not call for the overthrow of the Labour Government, we call on all Labour leaders — MPs, counsellors etc to break with these anti working class measures and act for the working class they draw their support from and claim to represent.

We call for a break with all deals Open and secrea with the bosses and their parties; bi-partisanship on trela land as much as the unofficial coalition with the Liberals, We fight to build a movement in the trade Unions and the Labour Party to do jus just this. We support the actions of all Labour MPs and counsellors and all trade union officials who are pre-

BUILD A RANK& FILE

Having failed to confront the ; trade union movements head-on in the years of Tory Government, .the bosses have looked to the Trade Union leaders to sell their policies, their strategy to rank and file workers. ;

The employers have used a simple and time worn strategy. At all levels they have drawn the Trade Union leaders into joint responsi ‘ bility, into collaboration with capitalism. At plant level the bosses have fought to undermine shop floor independence with participation 'schemes, With seats on committees and boards. Nationally, Jones, Murray and Scanlon have been empowered to organise and police cuts in workers workers’ living standards tha tthe employers could not achieve through a Tory Government.

In those few cases where collaboration has failed the employers they have not hesitated to threated the Trade Union leaders through the machinery of the courts. Jackson of the UPW, Drain of NALGO have both immediately turned heel when faced with law court instructions to call off action.

Should the machinery of collaboration fail them then the bosses will turn increasingly t are will turn increasingly to reliance on ‘force, But the successes for the employers have been considerable in relying on the Trade Union leaders to do their work for them. It was ‘Left’ Bob Wright who presided over the massive redundancies at Chrysler. The ‘Left’ Jack Jones has

4 been the principle architect of the withthe sack.tinless they called off | their action, he has crusades for public spending cuts to fund a revival in manufacturinglindustry, The NUT

NUT leaders have suspended members

members from the Union for fighting the cuts, while Alan Fisher has opened a Campaign for a flat rate ‘Wage restraint policy to benefit his members against better organised sections of workers,

The successes of the employers have been legion, and they are, not due to the collaboration of a handful of right wing leaders, The Social Contract has only been sold because of the so-called Left leaders,

The collaboration of the Trade Union leaders has it roots in their place in capitalist society. As brokers between workers and employers * the Trade Union bureaucrats have their own distince social interests, They are not subject to the same conditions as the workers they represent — their living standards, their security depend on the maintainence of the wage contract that they negotiate and bargin. The Trade Union leaders see the impr. ovement of workers’ living condit: ions in term of successful negotiation and bargins with the employers. Faced with a capitalist crisis, with a threat to the maintenance of negotiation, the Trade Union

Pared to vote against anti-working Class measures and to mobilise work ers against them. We fight not only to halt the attacks but for pro-working class measures. We fight to force Labour to carry them out — not disquising the fact that all past experjence shows their unwillingness and inability to do so.

This must however be put to the test by the organised supporters of Labour themselves — at present the great majority of the working class. Organised so as to be able alike to bring maximum force to bear on these leaders and to resist their bettrayals. To carry the struggle to victory whether the Labour and trade union leaderships are forced forward Or openly desert to the enemy,

leaders jump to preserve and main tain the employers’ system upon which their livelihood depends. Faced with rank and file initiative and organisation the Trade Union leaders — Left and Right — move to undermine the threat to their own Stability and security.

This des not mean that Trade Union leaders cannot be pressured to put themselves at the head of certain struggles, But they will always be looking for ways to contain, control and dampen down the struggle. It is htis common interest with the employers in negotiation, in holding back the rank and file that lays ‘the basis for open collaboration with the employers in time of crisis.

The undemocratic nature of the Trade Unions, the irresponsibility of the overwhelming majority of collaborationism ; officials, buttresses their inde-endence and col!borationism.

The behaviour of the Trade Union leaders over the last two years underlies the absolute necessity of building a movement in the Trade Unions that can organise indepenently of them whenever necessary. Only on this basis can workers

living standards and organisations be be maintained. The alterriztives are simple: either a trade union move- - ment dependent on the capitalist class and used to discipline the rank and file-or an independent Trade Union movement fighting for the interests of workers against the capitalist class,

Such a rank and file movement would have to fight the bureaucrats for leadership of the Trade Unions. It would have to fight for a clear alternative political programme to that of the class collaborators. The experience of the rank and file shop stewards movement in Britain after the first World War shows that a rank and file organisation with no alternative politics to those of the bureaucrats can be outmanoeuvered and defeated by the Trade Union bureaucracy — however militant and fiery it may be. Built across the UITTOTTS® C TeCdd6 YOTa officials.

2. The independence of the Trade Unions from the State and the a ployers at all levels, 3. No incomes policy or Wage restraint under capitalism — full protection against inflation. 4, No cuts in welfare and social spending. For a restoration of all cuts. 5S. No redundancies — cut the hours not the jobs, 6. A merciless Struggle against sectionalism, against all divisions in the Labour movement, a struggle to unite workers in the public and private sectors, against cra vate sectors, against craftism, against all discrimination against women workers and all manifestation of racialism. 7, A readiness to act independently of the Trade Union leaders the minute they back down or attempt to sell out.

It would have to garuntee the maximum democratic discussions. of demands, of tactics within this framework,

We consider the building of such a challenge to the Trade Union leaders to be a vital task of all working class militants, .

It will not be built by proclamation — by the declaration of a ‘Rank - and File Movement’ as the appendage of a political party, fuelled and maintained by stunts and campaigns. Both the WRP and the SWP (IS) have presided over abortive attempts to summon a rank and file movement into existence by this method,

Neither can it be built without absolute clarity as to the need to organise independent of the offi-. cials. The Communist Party’s strategy of wooing and pressuring those leaders they designate as Left or progressive effectively prevents them from giving a serious lead. Like-

Wise the IMG — whose amorphous project of building a “‘class struggle tendency” fails to differentiate between the Trade Union bureaucrat+ and the rank and file workers

_ $j

ORKERS' POWER

BRITAIN: The

_ The Labour Government is claim-

ing that British Capitalism is on the oom (upturn. With their sights set firmly on

another round of wage control they ti ) t

are arguing that the economy is on employers has hinged on attacks

the mend, that they can see the light at the end of the tunnel .....so long as there is another year of wage-

on real wages, on cuts in social and welfare spending, on largescale redundancies. These attacks were

cutting “incomes policy”. Now of course Callaghan, Healy to make available new funds for productive investment in key man-

and Foot have to argue that their

policies are having effect, that the ufacturing industries. State intervention (in the guise of the NEB) to

‘sacrifices’ they and the employers

demand froin the labour movement direct funds into profitable and competitive industry, the closing

are only temporary. But a look aft - the world and national economy shows how false are the claims of ' the Labour leaders to have cured the chronic sickness of British Capitalism, to be able to plan and orgdown of old and redundant plant, a drive for speed up and productivi ty on the shop floor were to be made possible by the attacks on workers living standards and organisation. Such a prografnme, the employers

anise capitalism. The strategy of the Labour and labour leaders believed, would make possible a revitalisation of _

Government, under Wilson and

Callaghan, to overcome the partBritish capitalism when the slump in the world economy lifted, when

icular deep seated crisis of British Capitalism has been consistent. Faced with the uncompetitiveness of British Capitalism .... its low productivity, low rates of profit, faced with the redundancy and ineffectiveness of whole sectors of its industry the Labour Government has sought to force the working class to pay for a programme of restructuring and revitalisation.

The strategy of Labour and the

Subscribe to

workers power

capitalism.

Funds

ThelLabour Government has been able to force down real wages for two years, preside over a doubling of the number of unemployed and savagely attack welfare and social spending. Massive funds have been diverted to private industry in successive Healy budgets, but British capitalism has not experienced a significant increase in investment, in productivity or exports. The world boom, looked to by the

BI-MONTHLY JOURNAL OF Labour leaders to pull

: pull them through THE WORKERS’ POWER GROUP in 1976, did not materialise on a Six months (3 issues)... . .. £1.10 scale sufficient to dispel the stagOne year (6 issues)... ... nation in the British economy.

Fearful of the pressure of inflation the stronger capitalist economies — the U.S., the! West German — were not prepared to push up their rates of growth enough to drag British capitalism in the slipstream.

Despite the projections and promises of the Labour Government — it.expected a 4.5% growth during the year — 1976 was a year of downturn and stagnation. Soaring interest rates signalled the failure of the Labour Government to stimulate private investment. Production was lower in the third quarter of 1976 than in the second. Inflation rates soared to the present rate of 16.6%.

In 1977 there have been signs of a partial recovery for British capitalism. Both the first quarterly bulletin of the-Bank of England published at the end of March, and the OECD report on the British economy note this, But the upturn is of minor proportions, inadequate

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There are signs of a small increase in output, but the OECD predicts only a 1% rise in the G.N.P. during 1977 — a “boom” year in the world . economy! Exports in the three . months up to February 1977 were up by 1%. But this is less than

POWER GROUP WRITE TO

Workers Power 1a Camberwell! Grove LONDON SE &

Rd. London.

Brixton

“sinted By Anyway Litho

¢ anew boom in world markets ‘i

Women must not

The Labour Government’s policy of cutting the social services means hospitals and nurseries closing, classes in schools increasing in size, meals on-wheels services being axed, transport services running down and houses not being built.

_ Not only do all workers in these vital services face massive unemployment but women in particular because of their oppression in the home home and super-exploitation at work work are particularly vulnerable to these attacks. They form the majority of the workforce in the public sector. Sixty-seven percent of education workers and 76% of NHS employees are women,

They are losing theit jobs twice as fast as men and since many women do not join trade unions, they have no elementary protection that these organisations can afford.

Nor are the attacks on women restricted to the cuts, The Benyon Bill, an attempt to claw back even the limited abortion rights that exist, has just had its second reading in Parliament, added to which family planning clinics are being reduced and nursery places cut.

All this means the burden for caring for the young, the sick and

Women strikers from Yardleys seeking dockers‘ s

. f C the actual increase in puw..

markets for British capitalism v culated by the Bank of England. The Bank of England beleives that productivity in British industry is increasing at 22 to 3% per annum” —but this is inadequate to either bridge the gap between British \ employers and their rivals or to gut the size of the dole queues-“Kates of inflation continue to increase at ~ twice the average rate within the world economy.

With the American Treasury expecting a downturn in the world economy by 1978/79, with the OECD expecting a slow down by the end of 1977, it is clear that the minor upturn in the British economy does not signal the successful revitalisation or restructuring of British capitalism. The employers, and the Labour Government can only look to further attacks on the working class to pay for their

Cuts

There will be no let up in the number of unemployed in the foreseeable future. The Bank of England sees no possibility for a decrease this year. There will be further rounds of cuts in welfare spending sugared no doubt with cosmetic tax cuts. But most importantly the employers and Government are absolutely set on pushing through a further round of wage control, while debating ‘flexibility’ the employers are organising for a showdown with the mounting tide of militancy in the working class movement.

The employers are convinced, nationally and internationally, that the future of British capitalism depends on its ability to force through further cuts in living standards next year. While there is no solution to guarantee} the vitality of sick British capitalism its future depends on the working class paying the price .

oe

pay the price

the elderly will fall square! the shoulders of wortien, agin vent back into the home where

ey are isolated, disorgani

oppressed, sorganised and

he “equality” legislation produced by the Labour Goveranant has been proved to be totally inadequate for working class women, The 21 week strike at Trico where 400 women boycotted the government tribunal, won equal pay and at Yardleys where 390 women are on strike now for equal pay prove women’s determination to fight. The work-in at the EGA hospital and the thousands of women on the NUPE demonstration last November prove that women are able and willing to fight back against the attacks.

It also gives the lie to the claim that women are ‘naturally’ passive or indifferent to trade union and political struggle,

The trade unions record of support for these struggles is lamentable,

upport outside Transport House.

91adeaa Dey . = wet ee

turrock (Report)

The AUEW at Trico refused to e sure effective blacking and solid; ity action in the car industries. 4 spite claiming the credit for the ' tory. Labour MPs have gone unc lenged when demanding punitive taxes against working wives,

Failed

But it is not only the official movement that has failed working women. The demand for ‘Women Out First’ voiced both by rank an file workers faced with redundanc ies at Chrysler show the crying ne: for a campaign at shop floor level around the demand ‘For a Woman Right to Work’, to prevent the em ployers solving their crisis by drivi women back into the home, This backwardness of male wor ers makes it all the more necessary that women organise together at tl workplace and on the housing esta! es to lay the foundation for a fight. ing working women’s movement. To force the unions to recognise their particular needs, women’s caucuses must be built to give women the confidence to take the leac in struggles and to built unity in act 10n with working class men.

The Charter

The Working Women’s Charter Campaign by orga nising around the interlinked demands of the Chat Charter can lay the foundations for a working womens movement. How: ever, working class militants, men and women must take up the key demands of the charter in every struggle to combat both the attack on, women and to buil TAG SSaance to the emplo¢_ >: repens “manta p=, OU eS EES

As ._-.<s pray racist card

- PURGE LABOUR

MOVEMENT

One year 2g0, using the pretext of one immigrant family. who had been put up for a few days ina hotel near Gatwick Airport as a result of the already inhuman immigration laws, the Press unleashed a vicious campaign against the black and Asian population of Britain and a hysterical call for tighter laws.

Before the campaign relented

three black youngsters were dead and hundreds had suffered the att-

entions of the racists of the Nation-

al Front as well as redoubled police

thuggery. Another such campaign.is in the offing. Now Thatcher and Tory Party ‘liberals’ like Whitelaw are preparing to out bid the National Front for the anti-black vote (as witnessed by their, endorsement of their open racist candidate in the coming Stetchford by-election), At the same time Rees for the Labour Government announces the Government willingness.to look again at. the question of tightening up on 1mmigration.

This sharp turn towards ever more outspoken racism (including endorsements of Powell’s ‘non-Tacism’ by a member of the Tribune Group, Maureen Colquhoun) has met little response in the labour movement.

Open fascist provocations have it is true roused the left to deliver the only response that will auobilise to make sure that there is no platform for fascism and that they are driven off the streets. An equal: ly important task and one which has as yet made little headway is the fight to combat racism in the

OF RACIST POISON

labour movement and to drive the racists out of the ranks of the organised working class.

The legacy of Britains Imperialist past, the disgusting chauvinism of the British reformist tradition means that the trade unions are jawash with hostility to black workers. If we are to give any real meaning to correct slogans like““Working Class Support for Black Self Defence” we must fight to win the trade unions and local Labour Parties to doing just this in action and to ruthlesslessly hound the racist trade union Officials, }ocal councillors or MPs.

If this is not done then slogans like “Black and White Unite and Fight” will remain the hollow mock ery they are now when chanted by white demonstrators. Anti-racism is quite as vital as anti-fascism particularly at a time when the official party of the British bosses is poised

to outmanoevre the National Front as the electoral expression of racisn A mass movement against racism and fascism can only be btilt if rev olutionaries fight for i‘ to adopt these key planks.

No Immigration Controls — Repeal all existing acts.

For Full Support for Black Self-De fence. Against Fascist or Police Thuggery.

No Platform for Fascists — Drive Them off the Streets,

Racists Out of the Labour Movement — For Black Caucusses in the Trade Unions.

Published by WORKERS’ POWER, |a, Camberwell Grove London SE5

The Last two months have been marked by arise in militancy throughout the working class. Dockers, miners,engineers, teachers, publicsector workers, have all taken action against the savage attacks made by the anti-working class Labour Government.

Throughout the country workers have staged demos,.occupations and strikes against different aspects of the attack — jobs, wages, equal pay, hospital closures and eduction cuts, }

This mounting resistance, ir

egy for making the workers pay the cost of the crisis. ~ In the present period of increasing militancy, however, the working class is presented with another danger — false unity. The unity which says, ‘don’t fight yet, wait for everybody else.’ This is the voice that calls for weak-kneed protest when the need is for direct att#ck on the bosses, the voice that says pressure on Heffer and company is the way forv:ard, even though, time and again, tiey have voted for the governments nglicics ~

BREAK CON - TRACT NOW !

break the Social Contract NOW, not waiting passively to see what phase three will look like.

. The trade union leaders are sol-

— idly in support.of the contract, wor-

kers who chailenge it can look for support Zirty to other rank and file workers. The support they need is that of direct action in solidarity with their fight. The organisation _of effective blacking, sympathy

( strikes, mass picketting and financial support will only be done by « aanised rank and fiJe workers.

“he recent increase in miiitancy

ry o

OUT NOW

workers power 4

ARTICLES ON:

THE EARLY YEARS OF THE BOLSHEVIK PARTY,

THE COMINTERN THESES ON WOMEN, THE SOCIAL CONTRACT

IRELAND, EASTERN EUROPE, REVIEWS OF LUXEMBURG ON

ed to take a lead in calling a national conference of shop stewards against the Social Contract.

In their search for a ‘British’ road to socialism through parliament, the CP stakes everything on trying to persuade the Labour and trade union ‘Lefts’ to their point of view. The furthest they want to go is to use the rank and file asa stage army in their protests. This is why last year’s Labour Assembly on Unemployment came to nothing, why the Liaison Committee has no independent existence and why the CP sees no further than a day of protest on April 20th. ;

The April 3rd conference brings together a large number of shop-floor leaders. Such a body has the weight in the class that could lead a determined and on-going attack on the Social Contract.

Far from limiting itself to resolutions and declarations the conference needs to issue a call for the formation of local rank and file committees. Such committees are needed to organise strike action for April 20th., active sup-

port for workers in struggle against the Social Contract and to formulate local claims that break the contract. Eocal rank and file

NATIONALISM AND THE IMG ON FIGHTING THE CUTS | ?RICE 35P

is to put their diplomacy with the Left wing architects of the Social Contract before the needs of the class.

The working class will get nothing from phase three or from relying on the ‘Lefts’ who have neither the backbone nor the desire to upset the parliamentary applecart.

Our policy has to be :- all out support for all sections fighting the sociai contract. Build local rank and file cormmittees to link up the different unions and industries and org-

_ anise strike action for April

20th. For direct action against wage-cuts, public service cuts

- and redundancies.

by the deal arranged by the Cabinet and the Liberal Party.”

These same lefts have voted for successive rounds of attacks on our living standards. They have voted ‘confidence’ in this anti-working class, class government. While the rightwingers Walden, Prentice and McIntosh have been prepared to stand by their loyalty to the employers to to the point of bringing down the Government, while they have openly fought for anti-working class pol-

made a deal with the Powellites and Liberals to carry it through.

The Trade Union leaders’ readiness to accept this is proved, if further proof were needed, by Scanlon’s strike-breaking tactics in Leyland. ,

The militancy of the working class is, as yet, unfocussed against

the bosses’ Labour Governemnt.

v= *¢tion fights for what it sees-as its inter-sts, other sections

~ for theirs. The established leader-

ship in the unions , from the socalled Lefts Scanlon and Jones to the blatant right-wingers, work overtime to strengthen this tendency to division in the class. The interests of public sector workers are presented as the opposite of those in ‘productive’ industry. The skilled are set against the unskilled,women against men, black against white.

The continuation of this disunity is central to the bosses strat-

LABOUR

The vote of ‘confidence’ in’ Callag-‘ haris Labour Government was greet-~

ed with unconcealed joy by the ex4ployers and their press. Pneé Stock exchange bounced up again. The Times and the Financial Times sighed with relief, :

The employers and bankers are sure that the Labour Government offers them the best prospects of further cuts in real wages and workers living standards, And they are sure that the trade union leaders will heed the lessons of the ‘vote of confidence’ and buckle under rather than face the fall of the Callaghan government,

Thats why the Times could editorialise Callaghan’s victory thus:

““A Labour Government stands the better chance of reaching an accomodation with

the unions and there will be less political and economic dammage if it is such a government that fails”

and the Financial Times could gloatingly declare: “The narrowness of the margin by which the Government has just avoided a general election and a possible defeat, indeed may well help to concentrate the minds of union leaders on the need to work more vigorously for an acceptable Phase 3 formula.”

The Employers and bankers, nat-

ional and international, have pinned their strategy of attacking workers living standards and organisation

. on the Labour Government. After

the mauling recieved by the Tory Government at the hands of the working class, the bosses have looked to the Labour Government, its special relationship with the trade union leaders, to bail them out. The Labour Government, the

+ TUC, have proved the most faith-

ful of servants, We all know how workers real wages have dropped by

frre i

10% under the Labour Government.

e all know that the social and welfaré ices have been pillaged and slashed, And-the trade union lead-

ers have accepted this — in the name of the Social contract’ — rather than risk bringing down the Labour Government,

But the employers clearly doubt the ability of the Labour Government to sell another round of wage cuts. Not because the Labour Government or trade union leaders are unwilling. But because they will not be able to hold back the mounting tide of working class militancy and anger. Thats why the bosses want to_use the ‘confidence’ vote as a warning to the trade union leaders, Their class consgious message {s clear .... accept another round of wage cuts or we’ll boot out the Labour Government,

The employers know that if a Labour Government can’t hold the fort for them then new methods will be needed to attack the working class. They know their alternative is an unleashed Thatcherite Tory Government; they prefer to use this as a scarecrow to put the trade union leaders to flight.

The Labour Government has shown its willingness to play the tune called by the bosses. Its ielect-| ion manifesto contained no effective answer to the problems workers face, With mounting inflation, - crumbling social services and swelling dole queues, they offered a partial extension of state control within the bosses economy, inadequate proposals for maintaining social services savaged by inflation and ‘fine phrases’ about shifting the balance

of wealth.

Any parts of this manifesto unpalatable to the banks and corporat ions at a time of stagnation and

,nurvival depends "On more attacks

crisis have been dropped. Whether Ox not the Callaghan Government dealt with the Liberals, it had only one policy ..... staggering on trying to solve the bosses crisis at the workers expense; a series of short term measures to prop up British capitalism. That’s why Callaghan Could claim of his deal with the Liberals:

“no party principles or policy committ ments have been abandoned”.

‘But the deal with the Liberals means one thing for the employers, It means that they can guarantee the fall of Callaghan and Co should the Labour Government yield to any pressure from the labour movement,

The Labour lefts have whimpered their unhappiness with the deal. Eric Heffer is so upset he says the deal can only be of a short term character, Ian Mikardo complains of “‘a further and serious strain on the loyalty of very many supporters” The Tribune group voted with the Government, voted for a Lib-Lab government, whiie wanting “to make it absolutely clear that in doing so we are not bound in any way

g res <i: te tha vnteyeaeeh “darlin, ly the deter- f groupings, made up of individual icies, the left have cringed before particular the strike in the Ley- M13 is the vaty = chase 2 aoe sand v illtarits delegates from steward’s every attack, ss jandinclimoms has placed gan getion.and. - committees, combines, Trades ciiwr—9§ = And what is it that has upset the | Of st ure sur=-, ‘Tage of : ra i iti : = nia i ore cael <= ‘ tar he i ~-“p two more battalions of British troops a further round of att- aNd BVO a . -yMptoms ae et ult ust” Toe : i : f ‘a ; r ye a resus BTS 1 opin Orb ecient necenncie wi . to prop up the Orange sectarian acks on the working class and the class. This means} abour Pai Shaye ee Ths logic of tine CP’spate struggle F state in Northern Ireland? Is it the Peatist Cane che str’ ty yor expressed intention of Callaghan to “ight for-—3 the = stand or fall on a further round of

Wage restraint? No, The fire of these ‘rebels’ has been saved for a chauyinist campaign against direct elect- ’ ions to the European Parliament, for a campaign to preserve the imagined sovereignty of the Parliament within which they are trapped,

The Callaghan government has openly staked its future on further attacks on workers living standards and organisations, Its deal with the Liberals guarantees such policies to the employers. The trade union leaders have made it clear that they put the maintanence of a Labour Government whatever its policies, before the defense of workers wages, services and conditions.

The working class movesnent i-”

(Continued on Page 2) \